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West Africans Dominate Swiss Cocaine Trade


A number of major drug busts in Switzerland have underlined the growing influence of West Africans in the cocaine trafficking trade and the methods used. In February, a Lausanne court jailed two Nigerian asylum seekers working for a Togolese criminal group for smuggling cocaine into Switzerland and money laundering following a Europe-wide investigation known as "Inox".

Some 35 people have been arrested as part of the investigation, accused of smuggling 15 kilograms of cocaine from West Africa.

The Inox case is just one of a handful of major cocaine busts announced by Swiss police in recent months. On Wednesday, Neuchâtel cantonal police reported it had broken up a West African cocaine ring following the arrests of 30 people across Europe.

A day earlier, Lucerne police said it had dismantled a Nigerian cocaine network, involving 30 people, which smuggled the drug into Switzerland from France and the Netherlands by train using female drug mules. Other cases involving Nigerians were reported in the city of Biel in February and in canton Vaud in January.
"The numerous recent cases are the result of a determined campaign by the cantons to break down open street-level cocaine trafficking," Roger Flury, an illegal drugs expert at the Federal Police Office.

"West Africans are clearly the most dominant group, followed by people from the Dominican Republic. They were very visible and active; it was only a question of time."

Massive Increases
Recent years have seen massive increases of cocaine smuggling from South America into Europe via West Africa. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) estimates that 27 per cent, or 40 tons of cocaine consumed annually in Europe, worth $1.8 billion (SFr2 billion), pass through West Africa.

Cocaine is mostly transported to West Africa in large quantities on sea vessels, often concealed in containers. In West Africa the cocaine is stockpiled, repackaged and much of it shipped to Europe on commercial flights in the luggage, clothing or intestines of drug mules. According to the UNODC, criminal groups have started using a "shotgun approach", whereby a large number of couriers are dispatched on the same flight.

Upon arrival the cocaine is distributed via West African criminal groups throughout Europe.

"Before, most cocaine entered Europe via Spain and the Netherlands, but Portugal has grown in importance alongside Spain as an entry point linked to the Portuguese colonies in Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde," said Thomas Pietchmann, a UNODC researcher.

As soon as one network is dismantled another is in place very quickly. They are very mobile and flexible and organised.  There is no permanent hierarchy so a seller can arrive and quickly become responsible for a network," he explained. sayes Jean-Christophe Sauterel 

Togo-Based Group
In the recent Inox case, a Togo-based criminal group smuggled cocaine to Europe via Brussels airport using drugs mules. The mules were met by Nigerian gang members who distributed the drugs on their behalf throughout Europe, including Switzerland, collected the profits and redistributed them back to Togo.

To obtain visas to enter Switzerland, dealers placed orders with Swiss companies at trade fairs in Germany and then requested commercial invitations to travel to Switzerland.

Instead of transferring money back to Africa via Western Union, a money transfer service, or using other traditional transfer routes, drug funds were converted into hundreds of second-hand cars, which were bought from a Lebanese garage owner in canton Bern and shipped to Togo.

According to Jean-Christophe Sauterel, spokesman for the Vaud cantonal police, although the Inox case is "not that exceptional", it illustrates well the situation in Switzerland.

Endless battle
"The networks are organised, with sellers coming here from the various countries in West Africa to deal cocaine. Once in Switzerland they are looked after by a network that can even organise asylum requests," he said.

"The Nigerians are very active and often at the head of the network. If not, people from Togo, Guinea and Guinea Bissau. Sometimes they are organised by clan or country of origin, but other times it's mixed."

"The police can't eradicate drug smuggling. We don't have the means and we can never do so. In canton Vaud we have taken precautions to limit the visibility of drug dealing but with the constant pressure on street dealing the problem has been diluted. Dealing is no longer open in the streets but in public transport or in apartments. It's not just in Lausanne but all towns in the canton are affected," said Sauterel. "We don't pretend to be able to resolve the problem, which is much wider than the competence of the police alone."


In March, the Lucerne police dismantled a Nigerian cocaine ring operating from Holland and France. Several drug smugglers, mostly African women, smuggled a total of 5 kilograms of cocaine, worth half a million francs.


On August 18, the Neuchatel police reported the arrest of six asylum seekers originating from West Africa, who smuggled more than 2.5 kilograms of cocaine mainly in the northern Val-de-Travers region. A seventh, convict, principally active in the city of Neuchatel, is accused of having sold at least 1.25 kilograms.

Seventeen members of a Nigerian drug trafficking group have now been arrested, say canton Vaud police, who have been working with Lausanne-based border guards, and Dutch and French police. The leader of the group has been arrested at his base in The Netherlands and CHF80,000 in cash was seized, as was 15kg of cocaine. The trafficking ring had already used mules to carry at least 50 kg of cocaine into Switzerland, with a street value of CHF50.5 million, say Vaud police.

The trafficking ring was discovered when border guards checking people on a TGV train from Paris to Lausanne, they were suspicious of water cartons, which turned out to contain 3.5 kg of cocaine. The woman from Cameroon who was carrying them was arrested on the train and has been held in Paris. Her sister, who is Swiss, was found to have similar cartons when she stepped off the train in Lausanne. 

Police established that 15 drug runs had been made into Switzerland, and in August they arrested two Polish women at a hotel in Lausanne. The drug ring  had changed its tactics and the two had swallowed 2.5 kg of the drug, then used a car to drive the cocaine into the country. The two Polish mules were hired in Rotterdam and paid €1,500 to deliver the goods. The two told police they had delivered 60kg throughout Europe, of which half was to Switzerland.

In August, Swiss customs stationed in Geneva arrested four African drug smugglers aged 29-46 in a Portuguese car. They had swallowed a total of 280 cocaine packets, totalling 5.4 kilograms of cocaine. Police believes these mules mainly come from Africa. They are paid between 500-1000 Euros to swallow the drug.

 In May, the Bern city police seized 1.5 kilograms of cocaine in a down town shop, including a significant amount of cash, forty cell phones and eleven digital cameras. The police arrested thirteen persons of African origin. One person is still detained in pre-trial detention. 

On July 13, a Zurich district court handed severe sentences against seven Dominican drug smugglers. The 40-year old mastermind of the ring received the highest sentence, with 14 years in jail. He organized the import of 186 kilograms of cocaine from the Dominican Republic into the Zurich area since early 2007 by means of his own import company named Caribbean Import GmbH. His 36-year old deputy was sentenced to a 10-year prison sentence. Both will have to pay a fine of 50,000 francs. A 30-year old Dominican woman was sentenced to seven years in prison, while a 38-year old Zurich taxi driver and a 22-year old Turkish woman were sentenced to serve 3.5 years in prison. A 42-year old Greek was also sentenced to one year in prison for documentary fraud and money laundering.

On July 20, Swiss customs in Basel reported the arrest of a 38-year old woman from Bern attempting to smuggle 1.9 kilograms of cocaine. She was using a belt around her waist. The man controlling her, a Nigerian citizen, was later arrested in Zurich. 

Geneva police authorities complain that the city's number one problem is drug trafficking. The Geneva drug scene is controlled by many nationalities depending on the type of drug. Large numbers of drug dealers or traffickers destroy their identity papers and apply for asylum to avoid repatriation to their home country.

The average monthly earnings of a drug dealer in Geneva are about SFr. 4,000. Geneva police statistics on drug-related arrests show that 98.5 percent of drug dealers were foreigners. Geneva police statistics on drug-related arrests show that 98.5 percent of drug dealers were foreigners. 

Between 4 to 5 tones of cocaine is trafficked into Switzerland every year. The black market value of the cocaine is estimated to be worth $535 Million (520 Million Swiss Francs).

Out of a population of 8 million people, Federal Police in Switzerland estimate that between 25,00 to 32,000 people are regular users of cocaine. An additional 36,000 to 44,000 occasionally use cocaine in the country. In 2011, law enforcement seized 401 kilograms of cocaine.

Swiss Medical Heroin Programme
Switzerland focuses heavily on prevention and early intervention to prevent casual users from developing a drug addiction. Youth programs to discourage drug use cost $6 million annually according to the Swiss Federal Office of Public Health. Swiss authorities purchase on an annual basis 250 kilograms of heroin for use in maintenance of the 130,000 registered addicts through the Heroin-assisted treatment (HAT) program at the 23 heroin distribution centres  

The heroin imported by the Swiss government costs SFr. 100-130 million each year, and originates from Tasmania, Turkey or France-all licit producers of opium products. The Swiss government is also treating 20,000 people with methadone replacement therapy. Three-quarters of those enrolled in the HAT program were male.

Swiss authorities report that in many cases, patients' physical and mental health has improved, their housing situation has become considerably more stable, and they have gradually managed to find employment. Numerous participants have managed to reduce their debts. In most cases, contacts with addicts and the drug scene have decreased, according to the managers of these programs. Consumption of non-prescribed substances declined significantly in the course of treatment, Swiss authorities report.

The current average cost per patient-day at outpatient treatment centres came to 57 Swiss francs. The overall economic benefit-based on savings in criminal investigations and prison terms and on improvements in health-was calculated by Swiss authorities to be 104 Swiss francs. After deduction of costs, the net benefit is 47 Swiss francs per patient-day. Twenty percent of the costs were paid for by the cantons, while 80 percent was paid by the public health insurance. 

Alternative Policy
Cannabis smokers in Switzerland are allowed to grow up to four marijuana plants each at home to stop them buying drugs on the black market.The law allows four people sharing a house to grow up to 16 plants - but only if each person tends to their own crop. The deregulation of Switzerland's cannabis laws was agreed by four neighbouring regions in the French-speaking part of the Alpine country.


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Guinea-Bissau Bubo Na Tchuto Arrested in DEA Sting

Public television in theCape Verde Islands says U.S. authorities operating at sea have arrested a former navy chief of the small West African nation of Guinea-Bissau who is suspected of being a kingpin in the international drug trade.

Radiotelevisao Caboverdiana reported late Thursday that Rear Adm. Jose Americo Bubo Na Tchuto and two other Guinea-Bissau nationals were apprehended aboard a yacht in international waters in the eastern Atlantic Ocean. The operation code named Lightening was carried out by a unit of the DEA fast, which is part of DEA  Drug Flow Attack Strategy. Bubo Na Tchuto was lured to the yacht by a fake drug deal set up by DEA informants, after his arrest he was taken to the port of Palmeira, on Sal Island where a DEA jet was waiting, he was immediately flown to to New York to face multiple charges. US DEA undercover agents had been present in Guinea-Bissau for two weeks and it was probably these agents who had been involved in the capture. Bubo Na Tchuto’s wife said she had not seen her husband since Wednesday and that her requests to military high command for information on his whereabouts had drawn a blank. “He left the house (on Wednesday) as usual in his car to do some shopping in town and he hasn't been back since. 

Rear Adm. Jose Americo Bubo Na Tchuto and  two other Guinea-Bissau citizens  Papis Djeme and Tchamy Yala (nephew of Ex President Kumba Yala)  were taken into custody Tuesday aboard a vessel in international waters in the eastern Atlantic Ocean while two others, Manuel Mamadi and Mane, Saliu Sisse, were arrested Thursday in Guinea-Conakry and later transferred to U.S. custody. Na Tchuto was charged with conspiring to import narcotics into the United States. Mane and Sisse both come from military backgrounds and had recently travelled to Dakar with high ranking military officials to open a special bank account to facilitate future shipments, the first payment expected was $5 million. Bubo was also in Dakar around the same time,  supposedly to visit a private clinic for an unrelated health issue. 
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 Chilling in Dakar 

Two more men, Rafael Antonio Garavito-Garcia and Gustavo Perez-Garcia, both Colombian, were arrested in a related operation Friday in Colombia. They remain there pending extradition to the United States. Both Colombians were established in Bissau, living in the home of a prominent member of the transitional government.

During tape recorded meetings, Mane, Sisse and Garavito-Garcia agreed to arrange the purchase of weapons for FARC, including surface to air missiles, importing them to Guinea-Bissau as if they were to be used by the  Guinea-Bissau army . 

Mane, Sisse and Garavito-Garcia were also charged with conspiring to sell weapons, including surface-to-air missiles, to be used to protect FARC cocaine processing operations in Colombia against U.S. military forces. The arrests were the culmination of a long-standing undercover operation in Guinea-Bissau and elsewhere, the DEA said.

Na Tchuto, Djeme and Yala were detained Tuesday in international waters near Cape Verde, off the West African coast, the DEA said, while Mane and Sisse were arrested in a Guinea-Conakry two days later and handed over to U.S. authorities. They were both flown directly to the United States.

The arrests were made based on evidence gathered by confidential sources who posed as representatives or associates of the FARC as they communicated with the defendants beginning last summer, authorities said. Prosecutors said the evidence includes a series of audio recordings and videotaped meetings between June 2012 and November of last year in Guinea-Bissau. These recordings may also implicate high ranking military officers in the current junta in Bissau.

According to court papers, the defendants agreed to receive multiple ton shipments of cocaine off the coast of Guinea-Bissau and to store the cocaine in storage houses there prior to their shipment to the United States. The U.S. government alleged that the defendants also agreed that a portion of the cocaine would be used to pay Guinea-Bissau government officials to provide safe passage for the cocaine through Guinea-Bissau.

Prosecutors said Na Tchuto discussed shipping ton-quantities of cocaine from South America to Guinea Bissau by sea, saying it was a good time to transport drugs because Guinea Bissau government was weak because of a recent coup d'etat. They said he also said his fee would be $1 million per 1,000 kilograms of cocaine received in Guinea Bissau for the use of a company he owned to hide the shipments before they were moved to the United States. If convicted, he could face life in prison.

All five defendants were ordered held without bail after brief appearances in U.S. District Court in Manhattan, where they seemed to struggle to understand Portuguese and creole translators.

According to a confidential source, the U.S. believes Jose Americo Bubo Na Tchutohas strong links to AQIM cells in Mauritania, Guinea Conakry, Mali and Gambia, where, it is recalled, Bubo retreated almost a year before returning clandestinely to prepare the failed  April 1st coup.

The U.S. Treasury Department designated Na Tchuto as a drug kingpin in 2010 for his alleged role in the cocaine trade in Guinea-Bissau, freezing any assets he might have had in the United States. For at least a decade, Guinea-Bissau has played a key role in the drug trade. The country’s archipelago of virgin islands has been used by Latin American cartels as a stopover point for ferrying cocaine to Europe, where prices have sky-rocketed at the same time that demand for cocaine levered off in North America.
Fernando Vaz, a spokesman for Guinea-Bissau's government, confirmed the arrests to the Reuters news agency, saying the rear admiral had been arrested off the coast of Cape Verde in a boat flying the Panama flag. Na Tchuto was one of two Bissau Guineans designated as drug kingpins, or "significant foreign narcotics traffickers" by the U.S. government in 2010, and hit with a U.S. travel ban and asset freeze.

Extract
Jose Americo Bubo Na Tchuto, Guinea-Bissau's former Navy Chief of Staff, and Ibraima Papa Camara, current Air Force Chief of Staff, are both involved in narcotics trafficking in Guinea-Bissau, including being linked to an aircraft suspected of flying a multi-hundred kilogram shipment of cocaine from Venezuela to Guinea-Bissau on July 12, 2008.  Na Tchuto has long been suspected of being a major facilitator of narcotics trafficking in Guinea-Bissau.  In August 2008, Na Tchuto fled into exile to The Gambia, but returned to Guinea-Bissau in late December 2009 to seek refuge at the United Nations Peace-Building Support Office. In addition to his narcotics trafficking activities that form the basis for his designation, most recently, Na Tchuto was complicit in the activities surrounding the illegal detention of Guinea-Bissau's Prime Minister Carlos Gomes Junior, and others on April 1, 2010.


Bubo Na Tchuto was a major player in the West African cocaine trade and will be an invaluable source of high value intel for the DEA. His extensive network of government officials, army officers and cartel contacts together with his 10-15 track record in the international cocaine trade could potentially enable him tobroker a deal with the DEA for a lighter sentence or disappear completely into the witness protection program. Officially called the Witness Security Program, it provides protection for government witnesses who are at risk due to testimony they've given about terrorists or criminals.

More than 18,400 men, women and children have participated in it, and not one of the 8,500 witnesses or the 9,900 family members has been harmed, according to the U.S Marshals Service. It provides 24-hour protection to all witnesses while they are in a high-threat environment; witnesses receive financial assistance for housing and subsistence for basic living expenses and medical care; the program also provides for job training and employment assistance. Most witnesses who enter the program are not law-abiding citizens, Ninety-five percent of them are hard core criminals with blood on their hands. However today's witness protection program faces the added burdens of the digital age. Facebook, Google, texting and the instant access to information via the Internet and smartphones provide new challenges to keep the identities of witnesses a secret.

Bubo Na Tchuto's personal fortune is estimated to be between 200-250 million dollars. The Confidential Source program is an important tool used by the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA). Confidential sources come from all walks of life and are significant to initiating investigations and providing information or services to facilitate arrests and seizures of drugs and cash. According to the DEA, it has approximately 4,000 active confidential sources at any one time. 

The recent case of the Flores brothers highlights how organised crime figures can work with the Drug Enforcement Administration,  in exchange for intel on rival cartels. A key Sinaloa lieutenant Zambada-Niebla’s lawyers claim  the U.S. government turned a blind eye as 2 tons of cocaine a week was smuggled into Chicago and other parts of the United States. By 2001, the Flores brothers had become the main connection to Chicago for several of the leading Mexican drug cartels. They were the principal link in a drug-supply chain that connected Colombian producers with Mexican smugglers and on to North American consumers. According to court documents, the drugs were delivered to the U.S. by a variety of means—on speedboats, fishing vessels, Boeing 747 cargo planes, container ships and tractor trailers, and even by submarine.
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Special Relationship with DEA

Court filings estimate theirannual income at $700 millionaccording to a Washington
Post article, the Flores reportedly shrink-wrapped the cash proceeds and hid it  inside condos and brick split-levels in Chicago registered to relatives and girlfriends with no criminal records.

The breaks the Flores twins have received for cooperating with the government have made for contentious courtroom exchanges between the government prosecutors and the defence team of Zambada-Niebla, who have been filing competing motions dating back to July 2011. They claim that one trusts the Flores brothers, no one, and…those are the two key witnesses in this case. We believe, we know, we've heard that the government gave enormous benefits to the Flores brothers’ families, friends, including the ability to keep their ill-gotten gains while they were working with the government; that agents here in Chicago perhaps…knew about the situation.

No one in the Flores family, there were many of them involved in the organization, they have not been charged with any crimes. We want to know the evidence as to why they were not charged with these crimes. The  Flores Twins remain in U.S. custody, though their exact location is a secret. Sources close to the case say they are being held in a Wisconsin prison, a state in which they own property and were previously indicted. The Flores twins may be important enough to the government’s case against Zambada-Niebla for the record of their once-vast criminal empire to be expunged. 

However for the time being In the eyes of the American government, Mr. Na Tchuto is a trafficking mastermind in a country that has become a global narcotics hub: the point man, for instance, when hundreds of pounds of cocaine were unloaded from a plane at the minuscule local airport two years ago. 

"He was an intermediary and he was paid for his services… he was obviously in a position to look the other way and even to provide protection for these shipments as they were offloaded," Mr Bagley said.

As navy chief he would have also been able to provide protection as the drugs were directed to "European markets through a variety of different routes including private aeroplanes up to and including camel trains across the Sahel and into areas where they could cross the Mediterranean", he added.

Bubo Na Tchuto was actually the force behind the forces,” said Dr. Abdel Fatau Musah, the political director for the Economic Community of West African States, a regional bloc of nations. “The fact that he is controlling things is very unpleasant for the region.”

As Mr. Na Tchuto rides around this crumbling West African capital in an outsize pick-up truck flanked by a personal guard of soldiers, offering his booming greeting to well-wishers. The president is still nominally in charge, but officials in the region worry that the nation has effectively fallen into the hands of Mr. Na Tchuto.
In December 2011 he was arrested after an attempted coup, there was speculation that it was in fact two factions of the armed forces fighting for control of the drug-smuggling trade. But at joint press conference army chief of staff Gen Antonio Injai and Defence Minister Bacrio Dja said it was an attempt by a group of soldiers to overthrow the government. 

Afterwards he managed to escape and was found hiding out in the unlikeliest of places — living in the United Nations building here, sleeping on a mattress on the floor of a United Nations office and sometimes eating in the canteen.

As Mr. Na Tchuto took refuge at the United Nations building, the secretary general’s representative in Bissau, Joseph Mutaboba, was reassuring the Security Council in New York that “conditions were now in place for political stability” in the country and that Guinea-Bissau was on a “journey towards peace, democracy and prosperity,” according to a Security Council announcement from March 5.


In an interview, Mr. Mutaboba said his fugitive guest, who was wanted by the government for treason, had been given sanctuary only reluctantly. The United Nations said at the time that Mr. Na Tchuto stepped onto the compound uninvited and declared that his life was in danger, making it “mindful of international human rights obligations governing such situations.”

Mr. Mutaboba said there was “no sign” that Mr. Na Tchuto was plotting a coup inside the building and that his cellphones had been confiscated to prevent trouble. Still, he acknowledged that it was possible that Mr. Na Tchuto had made contact with the outside.

“You cannot read deeply into what the military are up to, especially when you have shifting, opportunistic alliances,” Mr. Mutaboba said.
Now a free man, Mr. Na Tchuto also denied spending his time under the auspices of the United Nations plotting the April 1 coup. But in an interview at his lawyer’s office here, he noted: “I am a former guerrilheiro. I have the strength to transform difficult situations into something favourable.”

Still, the sudden onslaught of soldiers had taken him by surprise, he said, as have the American government’s allegations of drug trafficking.

“There’s no material proof that I was involved in drugs,” he said angrily. “Proof, proof, proof, proof. People say I am a criminal! I am a patriot!” he said, boasting about his service during the country’s war of liberation against the Portuguese in the 1960s and 1970s, which he said he joined at the age of 14.

For the United Nations, his presence in the multi story headquarters on a rutted road here has been a source of discomfort, both before and after the coup.

“The whole international community here was astonished at the U.N. behaviour ” a Western diplomat in Bissau said. “They didn't understand why they were harbouring such a character. He was not just sitting there watching television.”
Paulo Gorjão, director of the Portuguese Institute of International Relations and Security in Lisbon, goes even further: “He was under the protection of the U.N., planning a coup against the government. It was perfect.”

Hours after the coup, Mr. Na Tchuto appeared with his ally, Gen. Antonio Indjai, the new army chief, at a news conference introducing the country’s new bosses. Mr. Na Tchuto, who had been navy chief of staff under a previous government, did not get his old job back, but he still plays a very influential, if officially somewhat nebulous, role.

It was a stunning reversal for a man who had spent over a year in exile in Gambia, accused by those then leading Guinea-Bissau of plotting a coup against them. Mr. Na Tchuto sneaked back into the country on a fishing boat shortly after Christmas last year. It appears that he may of been helped to escape from detention in The Gambia by members of a South American Drug Cartel. Members of that cartel were recently sentenced to fifty years hard labour for drug trafficking over $1 billion worth of cocaine.

By turns genial and explosive, Mr. Na Tchuto appeared hurt by the American accusations, insisting that he admired America deeply, had dreamed about President Obama and had a large American flag in his living room.

“I ask the Americans to help establish justice and peace in this country,” he said, noting the history of instability here. There have been at least seven successful or attempted coups since independence in 1974, and in the last 12 years 4 presidents, 4 acting presidents and 11 prime ministers.

Mr. Na Tchuto deflected a question about whether he was now the real boss in Guinea-Bissau, saying through his lawyer that he “ didn't want to offend” the current president and army chief of staff by responding.

Others here are more blunt. “Bubo Na Tchuto has power, and he has money — and we know he has money from drugs — and he has a lot of people behind him,” said Idrissa Djaló, a leading businessman and former presidential candidate. “And so the situation is uncontrollable.”

At his hearing on the lingering treason charges Mr. Na Tchuto looked relaxed, showing up with his military guard and joking on the front porch of the military tribunal building with the officers who were going to judge him. It was all a mere “formality,” he said later.

A small crowd gathered across the street to stare at Mr. Na Tchuto in his navy blue admiral’s uniform. Everybody knew who he was. “He is a great chief,” murmured a man looking on, Do Geloso, a tailor. “He’s got the power.”
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Is The U.S. Working With The Sinaloa Cartel?


According to an article by the US publication Business Insider a senior  Mexican diplomat says America pretty much invited the Sinaloa Drug Cartel across the border.

Leaked emails from the private U.S. security firm Stratfor cite a Mexican diplomat who says the U.S. government works with Mexican cartels to traffic drugs into the United States and has sided with the Sinaloa cartel in an attempt to limit the violence in Mexico.

Many people have doubted the quality of Stratfor's intelligence, but the information from MX1—a Mexican foreign service officer who doubled as a confidential source for Stratfor—seems to corroborate recent claims about U.S. involvement in the drug war in Mexico. Most notably, the reports from MX1 line up with assertions by a Sinaloa cartel insider that cartel boss Joaquin Guzman is a U.S. informant, the Sinaloa cartel was "given carte blanche to continue to smuggle tons of illicit drugs into Chicago," and Operation Fast and Furious was part of an agreement to finance and arm the Sinaloa cartel in exchange for information used to take down rival cartels.

An email with the subject "Re: From MX1 -- 2" sent Monday, April 19, 2010, to Stratfor vice president of intelligence Fred Burton says: I think the US sent a signal that could be construed as follows:

"To the [Juárez] and Sinaloa cartels: Thank you for providing our market with drugs over the years. We are now concerned about your perpetration of violence, and would like to see you stop that. In this regard, please know that Sinaloa is bigger and better than [the Juárez cartel]. Also note that [Ciudad Juárez] is very important to us, as is the whole border. In this light, please talk amongst yourselves and lets all get back to business. Again, we recognize that Sinaloa is bigger and better, so either [the Juárez cartel] gets in line or we will mess you up." In sum, I have a gut feeling that the US agencies tried to send a signal telling the cartels to negotiate themselves. They unilaterally declared a winner, and this is unprecedented, and deserves analysis.

Bill Conroy of Narco News reports that MX1's description matches the publicly available information on Fernando de la Mora Salcedo — a Mexican foreign service officer who studied law at the University of New Mexico and served at the Mexican Consulates in El Paso, Texas, and Phoenix. In a June 13, 2010, email with the subject "Re: Get follow up from mx1? Thx," MX1 states that U.S. and Mexican law enforcement sent their "signal" by discretely brokering a deal with cartels in Tijuana, just south of San Diego, Calif., which reduced the violence in the area considerably. 
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 Mexican Diplomat Fernando de la Mora

It is not so much a message for the Mexican government as it is for the Sinaloa cartel and [the Juárez cartel] themselves. Basically, the message they want to send out is that Sinaloa is winning and that the violence is unacceptable. They want the CARTELS to negotiate with EACH OTHER. The idea is that if they can do this, violence will drop and the governments will allow controlled drug trades.

The email went on to say that "the major routes and methods for bulk shipping into the US" from Ciudad Juárez, right across the border from El Paso, Texas, "have already been negotiated with US authorities" and that large shipments of drugs from the Sinaloa cartel "are OK with the Americans."

In July a Mexican state government spokesman told Al Jazeera that the CIA and other international security forces "don't fight drug traffickers" as much as "try to manage the drug trade." A mid-level Mexican official told Al Jazeera that based on discussions he's had with U.S. officials working in Ciudad Juárez, the allegations were true.
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Fred Burton 

WikiLeaks has published 2,878 out of what it says is a cache of 5 million internal Stratfor emails (dated between July 2004 and December 2011) obtained by the hacker collective Anonymous around Christmas.  The accused LulzSec hacker Jeremy Hammond, a 27-year-old Chicago man was told by the court that he could be sentenced to life in prison for compromising the computers of Stratfor. Judge Loretta Preska told Hammond in a Manhattan courtroom on Tuesday that he could be sentenced to serve anywhere from 360 months-to-life if convicted on all charges relating to last year’s hack of Strategic Forecasting. Hammond is not likely to take the stand until next year, but so far has been imprisoned for eight months without trial. Legal proceedings in the case might soon be called into question, however, after it’s been revealed that Judge Preska’s husband was a victim of the Stratfor hack.
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Jeremy Hammond

There are usually just three ways for a trafficker to leave a Mexican drug cartel: go to prison, get killed, or become a government informant. Most criminals who become informants do so because they've been arrested and squeezed, encouraged to betray their criminal employers in exchange for leniency. But this Sinaloa insider had an unusual story to tell about his first encounter with U.S. federal agents. It was his boss, a top manager at the Sinaloa cartel, who encouraged him to help the Americans. 

Meet with the U.S. investigators, he was told. See how
we can help them with information.The Sinaloa insider,  acting with the full approval of his cartel, strolled into the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) office for an appointment with federal investigators. He walked through a metal detector and past the portrait of the American president on the wall, then into a room with a one-way mirror. The agents he met were very polite. He was surprised by what they had to say. “One of the ICE agents said they were here to help [the Sinaloa cartel]. And to fuck the Vicente Carrillocartel. Sorry for the language. That’s exactly what they said.”

So began another small chapter in one of the most secretive aspects of the drug war: an extensive operation by Chapo Guzmán’s forces to manipulate American law enforcement to their own benefit. Guzmán’s broad strategy has been to knock off rivals and build his own cartel into the dominant criminal force south of the border. One of his tactics for achieving that has been to place his drug-dealing lieutenants as informants for the DEA and ICE. According to sources and court records, he has been carefully feeding intelligence to the Americans. Now, Newsweek has learned, there is a federal investigation into how ICE agents handled some Sinaloa informants near the border.

The implications are sobering: the Sinoloa cartel “is duping U.S. agencies into fighting its enemies,” says Prof. Tony Payan of the University of Texas at El Paso, who studies the cartel wars in Juárez. “Typical counter intelligence stuff. It’s smart. It’s so smart.” Humberto Loya- Castro, a charming and erudite Mexican lawyer who served as Guzmán’s adviser, may have been his most intriguing agent. He became a key informant for the Drug Enforcement Administration during the last decade. A former DEA official describes Loya-Castro as “astute, witty. He was extremely charismatic.” His tips led to arrests, seizures, and headlines. Many of those law-enforcement victories, though, were also triumphs for the Sinaloa cartel.
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Humberto Loya- Castro

Loya-Castro was indicted by the United States in 1995, along with Guzmán. Back then, the lawyer was known by the alias “Licenciado Perez”—Lawyer Perez. The charges say he “protected the drugs and money of the Guzmán organization in Mexico by paying money to Mexican authorities” and “ensured that if key members of the Guzmán organization were arrested they did not remain in custody.”

Five years after the indictment, while Guzmán was still locked up, Loya-Castro first approached American officials, offering to feed them information. To appreciate his potential value, imagine if the leader of North Korea or Iran had a lawyer who offered to become an undercover U.S. operative. As a compadre of the Sinaloa boss, Loya-Castro had information that most investigators could only fantasize about. In 2005 he made it formal, signing paperwork that made him an official confidential informant for the DEA. Because he was a fugitive from justice, facing an outstanding warrant, a special DEA committee had to sign off on the whole operation.

He was a productive spy, handing over what seemed like ever more vital information, mostly about the Sinaloa cartel’s enemies. The DEA agent assigned to handle him was a relatively new investigator named Manuel Castanon. He had spent five years working for the Border Patrol, then joined the DEA in 1999. He was assigned to a special task force based out of San Diego—a unit that wasn't focused on the Sinaloa cartel. Rather, Castanon and his group were tasked with fighting one of Guzmán’s closest rivals, the Tijuana cartel, headed by the notoriously brutal Arellano Félix brothers.

The Tijuana cartel was small, but it was important because it controlled the vital smuggling routes through Baja California and San Diego. Both the DEA and Chapo Guzmán had an interest in its demise. One day Loya-Castro called Castanon to set up an urgent meeting. At a briefing with DEA officials, Loya-Castro warned them of a grave threat to their agents coming from one of Chapo’s enemies. He explained he had been dining with a former Mexican official when the official’s Nextel radio beeped. The caller was a member of the embattled Tijuana cartel who proceeded to outline a series of illegal plans. Loya-Castro could hear the whole conversation as if it were on a speaker phone  The Tijuana cartel was hiring a trained sniper nicknamed “the Monster,” Loya-Castro said, to shoot DEA agents and frighten them into leaving Tijuana. (A WikiLeaks cable describes the incident, and while Loya-Castro is not named in it, Newsweek has learned that he was the confidential source called “CS-01-013562.”)

The intended effect of such a tip was almost surely to focus the DEA on Guzmán’s rivals. It apparently worked: the Tijuana cartel has been mostly dismantled, and Chapo Guzmán has taken over lucrative territory. All along, Loya-Castro apparently insisted to his handlers that he had Guzmán wrapped around his finger. Guzmán, he said, was gulled into thinking that Loya-Castro was loyal to him. “His point to us,” says David Gaddis, a former top DEA official who oversaw operations in Mexico, Central America, and Canada, “was that ‘because of my position, Chapo has absolute, unfettered confidence in who I am and what I'm doing.’”

“I do think he was telling Chapo, ‘Hey, I'm meeting these guys,’” Gaddis tells Newsweek, “and Chapo allowed him to do it.”

Loya-Castro’s material was so rich—so helpful in various cases—that in 2008 the U.S. attorney’s office in San Diego had the indictment against him thrown out. And the intelligence kept coming. In December 2009, in an operation trumpeted around the world, Mexican Marines encircled and killed Arturo Beltrán Leyva, a leading drug lord who had splintered away from the Sinaloa group. In Chapo territory in Nogales, Sonora, residents fired pistols in the air to celebrate, according to Malcolm Beith’s book on Guzmán, The Last Narco.

It’s been reported that the Americans provided intelligence that led to Beltrán’s death. They even coordinated the signal intercepts that allowed the Mexican Marines to move in, according to a source who was involved. A source close to the cartel leadership says intelligence for the operation also came from Loya-Castro. In essence, it seems he had helped the Americans put a feather in their cap, while killing off one of his master’s worst enemies.

By this time, some people in DEA management were beginning to ask questions. The top target for the DEA was supposed to be Chapo Guzmán, and Loya-Castro wasn't doing anything at all on that front. Gaddis, who left the agency in 2011, says he spoke to the agents who handled Loya-Castro and pushed them to get information that would lead to Guzmán. The conversations went like this, Gaddis recalls: “I want you guys to turn up the heat and start having him work more effectively against the No. 1 guy.” But according to Gaddis, “that never came to fruition.”

Double- and triple-dealing is a danger in any spy operation, something to be guarded against. “You should not allow the informant to control you,” says John Fernandes, a 27-year veteran of the DEA whose last job was running the San Diego division. “That doesn't mean they won’t try. Manipulation is part of life.” Still, Fernandes maintains, in general “the DEA does an outstanding job of applying stringent standards.”

Gaddis says Loya-Castro did occasionally provide intelligence about the Sinaloa cartel, but not about its top rungs. And at least one internal DEA exchange cited in court documents indicates he was chiefly providing intelligence about the Sinaloa’s opposition. Gaddis, who now runs a security company called G-Global Protection Solutions, says he had believed Loya-Castro was a “double agent” the DEA used against Guzmán, but he’s now convinced he was more like a “triple agent.”
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Jesus Manuel Fierro-Mendez 


Like most cops in the Mexican border city of Ciudad Juarez, Jesus Manuel Fierro-Mendez was dirty. In fact, soon after being promoted to the position of captain, he was smuggling enormous quantities of cocaine into the United States. And when Fierro-Mendez quit his job in the spring of 2007, after someone tried to kill him, he went to work for the Sinaloa drug cartel, the 47-year-old Fierro-Mendez testified in an El Paso court against Fernando Ontiveros-Arambula, his former boss in the Sinaloa cartel in Juarez – and one of Chapo Guzman’s top lieutenants. And Fierro-Mendez’s testimony contained some unexpected bombshells.

Nevertheless, when drug dealer and former police captain Fierro-Mendez testified in an El Paso court this winter, he explained that when he was smuggling kilos of cocaine into the U.S., he was also working as an informant for the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) service – which investigates drug smuggling.

“And was Chapo Guzman aware that you and others were giving information to ICE?” he was asked by the prosecutor. “Yes.”

Chapo Guzmán made his move to wrest control of Ciudad Juárez from the local cartel roughly six years ago, and he did so with help. He eventually hired local police captain Manuel Fierro Méndez, who has since been sentenced to 27 years in a U.S. prison. Fierro Méndez was also one of the informants Guzmán planted in U.S. law enforcement. We know this because Fierro Méndez would later testify in U.S. federal court, as a prosecution witness, that he was sent by the cartel to the ICE office in El Paso to give up specific intelligence about the men Guzmán was trying to eliminate.

“You were on a mission from Chapo to come provide information, correct?” he was asked in court in 2010. “Yes,” he replied. Fierro Méndez said he was like a “spokesperson,” passing information to ICE from Chapo, “information we would, obviously, get from the levels high up.”

“Was the Sinaloa cartel trying to use ICE to eliminate its rivals in La Linea?” a prosecutor asked. “That’s right,” Fierro Méndez replied. “And was Chapo Guzmán aware?” came the question. “That’s right,” said the former police officer.

He made it plain that that the cartel strictly forbade him to give up anything about the Sinaloa cartel, however. “Were you allowed to give information about Chapo?” “It wasn't allowed,” the dirty cop said, “and it wasn't asked of me.” In other words, he testified, the ICE agents he spoke to never required him to provide intelligence about the boss of his own criminal organization.

Such information did lead to significant drug busts, which helps explain why American agents were so eager to play along. The costs, however, are clear. “Now the Sinaloa cartel understands how you work, who your agents are, and what you want,” says the University of Texas’s Payan. “They are using you, and in the end that particular cartel is going to come out of it strong. The Sinaloa cartel is not only virtually untouched but it is magnified ... They don’t have any Mexican competition. At home, they are king.”

In all, at least five important figures in the Sinaloa cartel traipsed into the ICE offices in El Paso to relay information about the Juárez cartel. They provided tips about warehouses, drug routes, murders. They gave up information on who their enemies bribed and what their organizational charts were. And now, as Payan says, “the Juárez cartel is practically down to ashes, and to a large extent it was done with intelligence passed on by the Sinaloa cartel.”

A federal prosecutor based in San Antonio who has tried cases against some Sinaloa-cartel members, including those who helped ICE, concurs on that point. I asked him if the information campaign by Chapo Guzmán helped the Sinaloa cartel take over Juárez. “It did,” he said. “That’s what this was all about: because of the intensity of the struggle, they were trying to exploit every possible thing they could to get the upper hand.”

In a case ongoing in federal court in Chicago, lawyers for a top Sinaloa-cartel figure maintain that the DEA’s relationship with Guzmán’s lawyer was a virtual conspiracy to allow the Sinaloa cartel free rein. Arguing in front of the judge, one lawyer insisted that “this fellow Loya is not a normal informant. He’s an agent. He’s an agent for the Sinaloa cartel.”
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Jesus Vicente Zambada-Niebla

A high-ranking member of the Sinaloa drug cartel operative currently in U.S. custody alleges that Operation Fast and Furious was part of an agreement to finance and arm the Sinaloa cartel in exchange for information used to take down rival cartels, according to court documents. The statement was made by Jesus Vicente Zambada-Niebla, the Sinaloa cartel’s “logistics coordinator” in charge of arranging massive drug shipments from Latin America to the United States as well as the son of cartel leader Ismael “Mayo” Zambada-Garcia and a close associate to kingpin Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman. Zambada-Niebla was arrested by Mexican authorities in March 2009 and extradited to Chicago to face drug trafficking charges.

From the court document:
[T]he United States government at its highest levels entered into agreements with cartel leaders to act as informants against rival cartels and received benefits in return, including, but not limited to, access to thousands of weapons which helped them continue their business of smuggling drugs into Chicago and throughout the United States, and to continue wreaking havoc on the citizens and law enforcement in Mexico.  

Zambada-Niebla believes that he, like the leadership of the Sinaloa cartel, was "immune from arrest or prosecution" because he also actively provided information to U.S. federal agents.
In its official response to the discovery motion, the government stated that there are “classified materials” regarding the case but argued they “do not support the defendant’s claim that he was promised immunity or public authority for his actions.” 

Zambada-Niebla's lawyer is seeking government "documents, files, recordings, notes, and additional forms of evidence" that would support claims that federal agents personally assured Zambada-Niebla that "he would not be arrested, that the agents knew of his prior cooperation... that they just wanted to continue receiving information... [and] that the arrangements with him had been approved at the highest levels of the United States government."

Zambada-Niebla was allegedly arrested five hours after he met with the federal agents.
Jason Howerton of the Blaze reports that the documents detailing the relationship between the federal government and the Sinaloa Cartel "have still not been released or subjected to review — citing matters of national security."
The motion for discovery claims the agreement between the U.S. government and the Sinaloa cartel began sometime before 2004 and lasted at least until March 2009 as part of America's "Divide and Conquer" strategy against other cartels, in which the U.S. would use "one drug organization to help against others."
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Ismael Zambada Garcia. El Mayo

From the court document:
Under that agreement, the Sinaloa Cartel under the leadership of defendant’s father, Ismael Zambada-Niebla and “Chapo” Guzman, were given carte blanche to continue to smuggle tons of illicit drugs into Chicago and the rest of the United States and were also protected by the United States government from arrest and prosecution in return for providing information against rival cartels which helped Mexican and United States authorities capture or kill thousands of rival cartel members.

The Flores twins, 31-year-old Chicago drug traffickers, now in U.S. custody and acting as informants in a plea deal whose details remain secret, will be the star witnesses in the Chicago trial of Jesús Vicente Zambada-Niebla, a head of the Sinaloa cartel and the biggest Mexican drug kingpin ever to be prosecuted in a U.S. courtroom.

In court filings, Zambada-Niebla's lawyers claim he, like the Flores brothers, was working with the Drug Enforcement Administration, and that in exchange for intel on rival cartels, the U.S. government turned a blind eye as "tons of illicit drugs continued to be smuggled into Chicago and other parts of the United States." In the months building up to the trial, a litany of court documents has been released that describe Chicago as a major distribution hub. The filings also suggest that damning details will be revealed about U.S. cooperation with some of the world's most powerful narcos.

Vicente Zambada-Niebla caught the attention of the Latin American press corps last March when he entered a plea of not guilty by reason of a pre-existing immunity agreement with the DEA. The two-pronged defense argued immunity and "public authority," a specific kind of immunity that claims he acted under the auspices of the U.S. government. Zambada-Niebla asserts that U.S. law enforcement gave him carte blanche to coordinate the cartel's smuggling operations into Chicago and throughout the U.S. and permitted the remittance of billions of dollars in cash back to Mexico. He further alleges that the U.S. was complicit in arming the Sinaloa cartel with semiautomatic weapons, which it used to wage war on its foes.

On September 9, federal prosecutors filed a motion in U.S. District Court in Chicago seeking to invoke the Classified Information Procedures Act (CIPA), in the trial of Sinaloa cartel operative, Vicente Zambada-Niebla who alleges an agreement exists between the U.S. government and his bosses. The CIPA was enacted over 30 years ago to prevent public disclosure in criminal cases of classified information.
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Vicente Zambada-Niebla

Zambada-Niebla, his head now shaved and skin tightly drawn against his cheekbones, was transferred in October to a federal prison in Milan, Michigan. But his lawyers claim the conditions in prison have actually worsened, with new restrictions placed on his ability to see visitors and to receive his mail on time. The location of the prison, nearly five hours from Chicago, has brought accusations from the defence that the government is hampering his lawyers' ability to communicate with their client.

The breaks the Flores twins have received for cooperating with the government have made for contentious courtroom exchanges between the government prosecutors and the defense team, who have been filing competing motions dating back to July 2011. At the heart of the issue is the fight for government documents revealing communication between federal agents and cartel members, and the 32-year-old Classified Information Procedures Act the prosecution has cited in denying the release of the overwhelming bulk of these documents.

Alvin Michaelson, a lawyer for the defence  complained at a pretrial hearing last December that the government was withholding information that impugned the credibility of the Flores twins as witnesses. "We know that there are witnesses that have been interviewed here in the Chicago area who...talk about the reputation of the Flores brothers as murderers, as thieves, liars," Michaelson said before Judge Castillo. "No one trusts the Flores brothers, no one, and...those are the two key witnesses in this case. We believe, we know, we've heard that the government gave enormous benefits to the Flores brothers' families, friends, including the ability to keep their ill-gotten gains while they were working with the government; that agents here in Chicago perhaps...knew about the situation.


By 2001, the Flores brothers had become the main connection to Chicago for several of the leading Mexican drug cartels. They were the principal link in a drug-supply chain that connected Colombian producers with Mexican smugglers and on to North American consumers. According to court documents, the drugs were delivered to the U.S. by a variety of means—on speedboats, fishing vessels, Boeing 747 cargo planes, container ships and tractor trailers, and even by submarine.

Court filings estimate their annual income at $700 million, according to a 2009 Washington Post article; the Flores crew reportedly shrink-wrapped the cash proceeds and hid them inside condominiums and brick split-levels in Chicago, Hinsdale, Palos Hills and Plainfield registered to relatives and girlfriends with no criminal records. 
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Flores twins 

To get an idea of just how large the Flores operation was, one only needs to compare their $700 million estimated annual income to the total street value of all drugs seized in Chicago: $208 million worth in 2009, $139 million in 2008, $118 million in 2007, $143 million in 2006 and $235 million in 2005, according to the Chicago Police Department. In any given year, drug seizures never reached a third of the value of what the Flores crew dealt annually. After the Flores empire was dismantled, cocaine prices surged on the streets of Chicago, from $18,000 per kilo to $29,000 in 2009, according to the U.S. Department of Justice.


The Flores twins may be important enough to the government's case against Zambada-Niebla for the record of their once-vast criminal empire to be expunged, maybe they will be ghosted off to some tropical paradise under the witness protection programme. But by the end of what stands to be a long and drawn-out trial, what will likely prove most important is what sensitive details are revealed about the true nature of the relationship that federal agencies had with Zambada-Niebla and the Sinaloa cartel. Did the U.S. allow tons of illegal narcotics into its borders, as Zambada-Niebla asserts? His testimony versus the Flores twins will ultimately decide the outcome of the most important narco case to grace a Chicago federal courthouse. Image may be NSFW.
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The FARC


As the biggest irregular army in Colombia, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia - FARC) operates in various regions of the country in search of resources to fund their 50-year-old war against the government. The FARC is the oldest and most important guerilla group in the Western Hemisphere. It has long financed its political and military battle against the Colombian government by kidnapping, extortion and participating in the drug trade on various levels.

In spite of a concerted effort by the Colombian government, with close to $8 billion in US assistance, the rebel group still operates in 25 of Colombia's 32 provinces and is estimated to have aproximatley 8,000 guerrillas in its ranks.

The FARC’s roots can be traced back to the outbreaks of violence that afflicted rural Colombia following the assassination of the populist leader of the Liberal Party, Jorge Eliecer Gaitan, in Bogota on April 9, 1948. The assassination touched off a sectarian struggle, first in Bogota and later in the countryside, which started out as a battle between the country’s two chief parties, the Liberals and Conservatives. The violence, which became known as "La Violencia," would leave close to 200,000 dead during the next 15 years. 
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Alfonso Cano

The rebel group adopted the name Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia in 1966, and began a slow, steady rise. The growth of the illegal drug market helped. In the mid-1970s, the guerrillas changed their bylaws and began collecting taxes from the numerous marijuana growers in the south of the country. They later expanded that mandate to include coca leaf plantations. During the same period the FARC began kidnapping en masse and extorting large and small businesses. In the early 1980s, the FARC began taxing cocaine laboratories that operated in their areas of influence.

The FARC is a complex group with a well defined structure and line of command. It's organizational structure has evolved throughout the years as a result of a process of adaptation to the main challenges of the internal conflict. Ostensibly hierarchical, the geography and size of Colombia has made it nearly impossible for the central command, known as the Secretariat, to exercise control over the whole organization, which is broken up into fronts, with the exception of various special forces units that tend to roam where they are most needed or to carry out a special operation. The FARC has a vast support network of logistical experts in bombing, transportation, kidnapping, arms trafficking, food storage, etc., and manages militia groups in the cities. 

There is much discussion about whether this structure and modus operandi constitute a "cartel," or a criminal organization. While it is true that parts of the FARC traffic in illegal drugs in increasing quantities, kidnap, extort, and partake in other criminal activities that undermine their mission, their overall structure, recruitment, modus operandi and purpose remain centred in political rather than financial returns.

In recent years, the rebel group has suffered numerous setbacks. In November 2011, FARC’s top commander, Alfonso Cano, 63, was killed by the armed forces near a rebel camp in the remote south-western part of the country. In peace talks in Havana in 2013, Colombia's FARC guerrillas called on the Colombian government to consider legalizing coca cultivation. the FARC called for the creation of a "land bank" of unused or underused areas that could be distributed to landless peasants and for a more democratic method of rural planning. The land would include "latifundia," or large rural estates, confiscated from drug traffickers. The proposal marks a retreat from the previous FARC position that called for the seizure and redistribution of all latifundia.
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FARC negotiator Tanja Nijmeijer 
The rebel’s chief negotiator, Ivan Marquez, proposed that small amounts of coca, poppy and marijuana cultivation be legalized as part of a land reform initiative in the Latin American nation.

"We need to reorientate the use of land toward sustainable agricultural production," 

According to  the Bogota daily El Tiempo  Colombia’s leftist FARC rebels smuggle U.S.-bound cocaine via Venezuela, Panama and the Pacific, citing unnamed U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration sources.

The information was obtained from documents found on the computer belonging to Edgar Tovar, commander of the 48th Front of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, who was killed by the army.

An unnamed police expert told El Tiempo that the 48th Front stockpiles cocaine in Putumayo, bordering Ecuador and Peru, the 30th Front protects the shipments all the way to Cañon de Garrapatas, in the north-western province of Choco, and the 57th Front moves the drugs into neighbouring Panama.Image may be NSFW.
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A Drug Family in the Winner’s Circle


Just three years ago, Jose Trevino Morales was working as a bricklayer in Texas, and his wife, Zulema Flores Trevino, was an office clerk for a staffing company.

They lived in Balch Springs, Texas, outside Dallas. They raised four children and made less than $60,000 total in 2009 from those jobs. They often only had about $2,000 in their bank account.

In late 2009, that all changed. That fall, Jose Trevino started up a racehorse operation.
It was funded — the FBI says — by millions of dollars from the powerful and violent Los Zetas Mexican drug cartel run by his two younger brothers.The FBI claims the two brothers, over the last two years, have funneled $1 million a month into the United States to purchase race horses.

Last year, Jose Trevino and his wife moved their operation to a sprawling quarter-horse ranch near Lexington, south of Oklahoma City. He named the ranch Zule Farms, after his wife. There they made improvements and cared for about 400 horses.

Newcomers rarely make it into the winner’s circle at the A.A.F,considered the Kentucky Derby of quarter horse racing. 

Yet in September 2010, a beaming band of men waving Mexican flags and miniature piñatas swept into Ruidoso, N.M., to claim the million-dollar prize with a long-shot colt named Mr. Piloto. Leading the revelry at the track was Mr. Piloto’s owner, José Treviño Morales, 45, a self-described brick mason who had grown up poor in Mexico. Across the border, Ramiro Villarreal, an affable associate who had helped acquire the winning colt, celebrated at a bar with friends.

As for the man who made the whole day possible, Miguel Ángel Treviño Morales, he was living on the run, one of the most wanted drug traffickers in the world. Mr. Treviño, a younger brother of José Treviño, is second in command of Mexico’s Zetas drug trafficking organization. Thin with a furrowed brow, he has become the organization’s lead enforcer — infamous for dismembering his victims while they are still alive.


To get in on the action at American tracks, Miguel Ángel Treviño needed someone he could trust to pick a winner. For that, he turned to Mr. Villarreal.

Mr. Villarreal was an unlikely horseman, the socially awkward son of a bookkeeper and teacher known for his build and bottomless appetite as “El Gordo,” or “Fatso.” He began attending auctions as a child, and developed an uncanny ability to spot horses that may not have come from the best lineage, but whose stride or attitude suggested an exceptional capacity for speed.

Mr. Villarreal’s parents said he started buying horses as a teenager, mostly borrowing from relatives and friends. Still, he never seemed to have enough to purchase the kinds of horses that could compete for major prizes. Nor did the strikingly effeminate man ever develop the social skills needed to fit into the macho world of breeders and trainers.

In some ways, said one friend, he stopped trying. For a while, he named his horses after runway models — like Campbell, as in Naomi, and Elle, as in Macpherson — because he was captivated by women’s fashion.

Mr. Villarreal got his big break in 2006, when he cobbled together $10,500 to buy a colt at an auction at Los Alamitos, records show. He took the horse to Mexico, named it “El Sicario” — which means “The Assassin” — and entered it in the parejera circuit, where it began to beat younger, better-rated competitors.

“That horse got 40’s attention,” said one of Mr. Villarreal’s friends. “He told Ramiro, ‘I want you to buy horses for me.’ ”

Soon, the younger Mr. Villarreal’s name began appearing on the lists of the top buyers at auctions in California, Texas, New Mexico and Oklahoma. His first champion was Tempting Dash, which won more than $600,000 in 2009, set a track record during the Texas Classic Futurity and gave Tremor its first victory in a million-dollar race.

No matter how successful, Mr. Villarreal always showed deference to his boss, calling him “Papi.” When Miguel Ángel Treviño wanted to see Tempting Dash for himself, Mr. Villarreal drove the horse, along with dozens of others, to Mexico.

Getting back was more complicated. To avoid inspections, quarantines and other procedures required for bringing livestock into the United States, Mr. Villarreal had trainers sneak the horses back across the border, herding them just after dawn through the Rio Grande.

As much as Miguel Ángel Treviño relied on Mr. Villarreal, he needed his brother, José, to be the face of his fledgling American horse business.

José Treviño, the clean-cut father of three, with a small tattooed Tremor logo on his hand, almost always attended races with his family at his side. He often credited his success to a combination of divine intervention and dumb luck.
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Jose Trevino Morales 
At the start, José Treviño seemed reticent in the spotlight, avoiding reporters by pretending he did not speak good English. But the more races he won, the more comfortable he seemed with cameras and microphones. People who knew him said he never sought out the media, but never refused to talk when they called.

When the colt named Mr. Piloto won the All American Futurity in Ruidoso, N.M., racing writers called it the “biggest upset in All-American history,” and marvelled at how Mr. Treviño, with a “green-as-grass” horse, could beat competitors with better qualifying times and world-class jockeys.

Mr. Piloto may have had help. The F.B.I. affidavit said Miguel Ángel Treviño boasted to associates that he had paid some $10,000 to “gatekeepers to hold back the horses competing against Mr. Piloto.”Last year a sorrel filly named Separate Fire swept the Ed Burke Futurity at Los Alamitos, Calif., delivering José Treviño his third race where the top prizes were worth $1 million — a record.

Last year, said people who know him, José Treviño moved his family from a modest suburban house in Mesquite, Tex., where he said he worked in the construction industry, to a large ranch outside Lexington, Okla.

The 70-acre ranch, Zule Farms, is named after his wife, Zulema, a former secretary who told people that she kept the books for Tremor. A person familiar with the ranch said that Mr. Treviño had converted a cattle barn on the property into a breeding facility, with state-of-the-art labs and special stalls where mares are implanted with embryos.

“There’s no way all the money he’s putting into that ranch came from being a brick mason. It’s just not logical,” said a person familiar with Zule Farms.

Federal authorities said that José and Zulema Treviño earned less than $70,000 in 2008 and less than $60,000 in 2009.

Even so, he bought horses worth hundreds of thousands of dollars at a time, according to the affidavit. On at least a couple occasions, he had other people sign for the company’s major purchases, quarter horse industry records show. One deal was signed by a teenager who looked too young to drive. The other was handled by the scion of a prominent quarter horse family, Tyler Graham, who stunned a packed auction house in Oklahoma by agreeing to pay a record $875,000 for a broodmare named Dashin Follies.

At the time of the sale, Mr. Graham said he was buying the horse on behalf of a client he would only identify as “a Mexico resident.” Shortly afterwards  records show, he turned the horse over to Tremor. Mr. Graham has not been accused of any wrongdoing.

An industry expert who attended the auction said the sale prompted more rumours  But he said sketchy deals are not uncommon in an industry where payments are made in cash and records are notoriously — even deliberately — unreliable.

“If someone walks into an auction with hundreds of thousands of dollars, and refuses to give his name, no one is going turn him away,” the industry expert said. “What they’ll tell him is, ‘We’ll register the horse in any name you want.’ ”

As José Treviño’s prominence grew in the quarter horse community, so did Miguel Ángel Treviño’s place in the drug trade. By the end of 2010, he had helped lead a brutal expansion so deep into Mexico that the Zetas became not only a priority for Mexico’s security forces, but also an enemy that inspired other drug organizations to join forces and fight.

Miguel Ángel Treviño’s control over drug warehouses and hit squads across the border also compelled United States authorities to offer a $5 million reward for information leading to his arrest.

At the same time, Mr. Villarreal was falling out of favour with Tremor. He was openly upset that the Zetas had forced him to transfer ownership of one of his best racehorses to Tremor, according to the affidavit, which said the cartel used “the threat of death” to compel associates to sign over horses or help them move money.

Mr. Villarreal was also in debt because the Treviño brothers barely paid him enough to cover travel costs, friends said. Mr. Villarreal began padding his expenses, prompting Miguel Ángel Treviño to suspect him of skimming money from Tremor, the friends said.

In September 2010, Mr. Villarreal was travelling to a horse auction in Oklahoma when he was detained by D.E.A. agents during a layover at a Houston airport. A spokesman for the agency refused to comment on its relationship with Mr. Villarreal.

But several law enforcement officials familiar with the case said agents held him for up to six hours, questioning him about his ties to Miguel Ángel Treviño. Before releasing him, the agents confiscated Mr. Villarreal’s cellphone and computer, and ordered him to meet with them a few days later.

When Mr. Villarreal returned, the agents said he could either work for them as an informant or face being prosecuted himself, according to the officials. The D.E.A. wanted Mr. Villarreal to help track Miguel Ángel Treviño’s whereabouts and then lure him into the United States.

Mr. Villarreal pleaded that he was too nervous to pull off the ruse, adding that Miguel Ángel Treviño would never trust him enough to follow him across the border.

But the D.E.A. insisted and a beleaguered Mr. Villarreal relented, the officials said.

At least once, Mr. Villarreal tipped off his handlers when Miguel Ángel Treviño went to a racetrack in Nuevo Laredo.

“Mexican authorities took pictures of 40, but they didn't try to arrest him,” said one of Mr. Villarreal’s friends. “They told Ramiro that they were afraid too many people might get killed. Ramiro told them if they waited any longer, he was going to get killed.”
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Villareals charred remains found in car

Sometime around the end of that year, Miguel Ángel Treviño summoned Mr. Villarreal to a meeting. Mr. Villarreal’s friends recounted the following incident as he had described it to them.

A pickup point was arranged in Laredo, where Mr. Villarreal was blindfolded and then driven into the Mexican desert by gang members.

Minutes dragged as Mr. Villarreal waited for Miguel Ángel Treviño. He saw two vats filled with a liquid he presumed to be acid, one of the trafficker’s preferred methods for disposing of bodies.

Miguel Ángel Treviño arrived about an hour later in a car with more lieutenants and an unknown man, who was also wearing a blindfold.

The trafficker hugged Mr. Villarreal and asked, “You’re not screwing me, are you, Gordo?”

“No, of course not, Papi,” Mr. Villarreal answered.

Saying he would be back “in a minute,” Miguel Ángel Treviño walked over to the unknown man, took off his blindfold, shot him in the head and ordered his men to dump the body in one of the vats of acid.

Mr. Villarreal passed out. He told his friends he did not know how long he was unconscious, but when he awoke Miguel Ángel Treviño was slapping him in the face and laughing.

“What’s wrong, Gordo?” he joked. “You can’t handle seeing me kill someone? Next time, I'm going to have you do it.”

“No Papi,” Mr. Villarreal said. “I don’t want there to be a next time.”

The drug trafficker got back into his car and drove away. Mr. Villarreal was taken back to Laredo, where he immediately implored the D.E.A. to release him from their agreement.

“When I met him he was a complete mess; profusely sweating, gangrene in one leg, and barely able to walk,” said a former law enforcement official. “He was in between a rock and a hard place: either stay in the United States and risk going to prison, or go back to Mexico and risk getting killed.”
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Miguel Ángel Treviño
In the end, Mr. Villarreal, 38, continued informing for the D.E.A. and in March, Miguel Ángel Treviño summoned him to another meeting.

On March 10, 2011, Mr. Villarreal’s car was found incinerated outside Nuevo Laredo. There was so little left of him that authorities took DNA samples from the ashes to identify his remains. One federal law enforcement official said some agents believed his death was an accident, but acknowledged that no investigation was conducted.

Mr. Villarreal’s father said he had little hope of ever finding the truth. Asked who he thought was behind Mr. Villarreal’s death, the round, balding man looked over at his wife, tears streaming down her cheeks, and echoed a refrain heard from so many Mexican crime victims. “If we ask questions, we could be the next ones to die, so for us, this is a closed chapter.”

Whispers of a “mob hit” spread across the quarter horse industry. In March, law enforcement agents even raided Tremor’s stables at Los Alamitos racetrack after receiving tips that Omar Treviño had flown there to look at some new horses. But none of it seemed to slow down Tremor’s business.

Last weekend, at Los Alamitos, a Tremor colt named Mr. Ease Cartel ran the second-fastest qualifying time for a million-dollar race scheduled for June 24. When Jose Treviño’s daughter was married recently, guests included prominent figures in the industry, and Track magazine covered the “big event” online.

“If he had been some thug, or the stereotypical person you’d expect to be in a drug cartel, then maybe people wouldn’t have accepted him and done business with him,” a former trainer said of José Treviño. “But he’s a really nice guy, so none of us wanted to believe he could have anything to do with the killing going on in Mexico.”

The Grahams the  prominent Texas family with connections to the state’s top officials is alleged to have purchased and boarded horses for a Mexican drug cartel engaged in money laundering, according to court records.

Federal indictments recently unsealed in Austin allege that 14 defendants with Spanish surnames used elite U.S. racehorses to launder millions of dollars of drug money for Mexico’s ruthless Los Zetas cartel. The indictments also implicate the renowned South-West Stallion Station breeding stables outside Austin, run by a veterinarian named Charles Graham and his grandson Tyler. Over the past decade, they have contributed almost $250,000 to federal and state politicians led by Texas’ top three officials. In 2008 Gov. Perry appointed Dr. Graham to the now-defunct Texas Department of Rural Affairs. The Grahams haven’t been charged with wrongdoing, and their names don’t appear in the indictments. But allegations made against their stables in the indictments suggest that the Zetas cartel paid the Grahams a small fortune in recent years. In all, Tyler Graham bought more than $1 million worth of horses that ended up in the hands of the Zetas cartel, which made at least $550,000 in payments to the Grahams’ stable, according to trade publications and the indictment. The Grahams didn’t respond to calls and emails seeking comment.
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Charles Graham

While never mentioning the Grahams, the money-laundering indictment alleges that the Zeta conspirators paid their South-West Stallion stables $550,000 last July to board and breed Zeta racehorses. One way the cartel laundered money, according to the indictment, was to let cartel flunkies hold title to a horse until it won a big race or became lucrative through the sale of breeding rights. Then backdated contracts were drawn up suggesting that Jose Treviño—one of three brothers at the centre of the conspiracy—presciently bought the champ on the relative cheap just before it hit the big leagues, according to the indictments. One Zeta horse was not-so-subtly christened Number One Cartel.

In 2010 Tyler Graham went to Oklahoma City to attend the horse auction at Heritage Place, a 40-acre facility co-owned by Charles Graham, according to TRACK Magazine. Amid a global economic crisis, average sales prices at the auction increased by 14 percent over the year before. Driving this inflation, Tyler Graham placed the winning bids on the event’s two most-expensive horses. He bid $250,000 for a young mare named Coronita Cartel and a record $875,000 for the breeding mare Dashin Follies. TRACK Magazine reported at the time that Graham shipped the mares home to South-West Stallion Stables—but not on his own account. The trade publication reported that Graham “was acting as an agent for an undisclosed buyer who reportedly is a Mexican resident.”

Describing that same auction, the recent indictments allege that defendant Jose Treviño “directed the purchase” of both horses “in a nominee name.” Then a company controlled by Mexican businessman Alejandro Barrandas allegedly wired more than $900,000 while defendant Luis Gerardo Aguirre allegedly supplied another $100,000 in cash, according to the indictments. Two other defendants allegedly then paid to board the horses for six weeks at the stables before the prize horse were shipped to Jose Treviño’s Oklahoma ranch, according to the indictment.

In August, Tyler Graham posted photos on Facebook of some of his yearlings, including Tahiti Cartel. Sired by Carona Cartel, the horse sold at Heritage Place in September 2011 for $50,000. Among Graham’s friends on Facebook: Ramiro Villarreal, a gifted Mexican horseman who Miguel Treviño, the second-highest ranking Zeta, recruited to help build his quarter-horse enterprise. At some point, Villarreal reluctantly became a DEA informant, according to The New York Times; in March 2011, his charred remains were found in a car outside Nuevo Laredo.
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Tyler Graham
Trade publications and the recent indictments indicate that Tyler Graham bought more than $1 million worth of horses that wound up with the Zetas and that cartel made at least $550,000 in payments to the Grahams’ stable. It’s not clear if the Grahams knew who they were buying horses for. The copy of the indictments made public redacts the name of one unknown defendant.

Not in doubt are the Graham’s political connections. Since 2001, the Grahams have contributed $32,025 to Perry’s campaign account, accord to state records. They’ve also donated to Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst ($17,100), House Speaker Joe Straus ($15,500), a San Antonio Republican, and state Sen. Kirk Watson ($15,500), an Austin Democrat.


Miguel Ángel Treviño, known as Zeta-40, or just 40, was never in the military. But he became useful to the Zetas for his experience moving contraband across the border.

Law enforcement authorities say the Zetas have been able to rapidly expand their reach beyond Mexico’s borders with the United States and Guatemala. And while other Mexican drug organizations prefer to keep themselves and their money close to home, the Zetas have established outposts as far as South America and West Africa.Image may be NSFW.
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BullionVault

Spy Boss's Wife Ran Cocaine Ring

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Sheryl and Frank Get 20 Years
The trial had the makings of a Hollywood thriller: religion, drugs, bling, working-class whites and SA’s black elite.

Sheryl Cwele, wife of South Africa’s intelligence minister and, her Nigeriansidekick, Frank Nabolisa have been convicted of drug trafficking for recruiting young women to smuggle drugs into the country.


Religion was often evident during the trial and seemed to be a connection between Sheryl and two women she was accused of recruiting to traffic cocaine, Tessa Beetge and Charmaine Moss. The trial also highlighted how SA has been caught up in international drug trafficking – and how white women from resort towns along KwaZulu-Natal’s south coast – usually unemployed and desperate for money – are lured into becoming drug carriers.

Cwele, who is married to minister Siyabonga Cwele in charge of state security, recruited women to act as drug mules in order to smuggle cocaine into South Africa from Turkey and South America, a judge found.  She was found guilty of drug trafficking by the Pietermaritzburg High Court.

Judge Piet Koen said it was clear that Cwele and her co-accused Nigerian Frank Nabolisa had worked together to recruit two women to work as agents to transport drugs.  The two had pleaded not guilty to dealing or conspiring to deal in drugs, procuring a woman called Charmaine Moss to collect drugs in Turkey, and procuring another woman, Tessa Beetge, to smuggle cocaine from South America.

In a spectacular fail, Cwele had appealed to the Supreme Court of Appeal (SCA) against her conviction alone, while Nabolisa appealed both his conviction and sentence. The SCA obviously saw nothing new in the case and dismissed their appeals against their convictions. Not only that but the court set aside the sentences imposed by the trial court and replaced them with a sentence of 20 years’ imprisonment for each of them.
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Beetge Drug Mule

Beetge, of the KwaZulu-Natal south coast, was arrested when 10kg of cocaine was found in her luggage in Brazil in 2008, and is serving a jail sentence in Sao Paolo.

Charmaine Moss, a professional beauty therapist and former police officer, told the court she met Cwele in 2005 when they both took their children to a choir on the KwaZulu-Natal south coast.

They lost contact and then "bumped" into each other in 2007 at a shopping centre, where Cwele told Moss about a job opportunity overseas. She would be a beauty therapist or a caregiver and earn R25,000 in two weeks, the court heard.

Moss decided against taking the offer when she became suspicious after Cwele introduced her to Nabolisa, who was described as an agent who organised overseas jobs.

Moss, who was told to go overseas and pick up a parcel with unspecified contents, turned down the offer when she suspected something was amiss. She turned State's witness.  Cwele promised them a salary of R25,000 for two weeks work.


Moss said in her evidence that Cwele had approached her and ­mentioned that she had worked overseas a number of times in 2005, but that she now held a permanent position with the Hibiscus Coast district municipality. "Sheryl informed her that she had been contacted again to work overseas and that she had been directed by 'the Lord' in her dream to offer 'work' to her," the judgement states. "When Charmaine showed interest in the offer, Sheryl advised her that a firm in Sandton would secure the work for her and that she would be paid R25 000 for the two weeks that she would be overseas. Her airfare would also be covered."

In conversations with Moss, Cwele referred to arrangements being made for visas and tickets by her "brother Frank". In answer to an inquiry about why her brother was involved, she responded that he was one of the partners in the firm that organised the overseas work. After some delay Moss travelled to Johannesburg, where Nabolisa had taken her to a friend's hotel, which she described as "very scary".

Moss called Cwele and told her that Nabolisa had said she should ask her [Cwele] what she [Moss] was going to do in Turkey, the judgement states.
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 Sidekick Frank Nabolisa

"Sheryl advised her there was nothing serious, that she should not speak to anyone and that she would be required to bring back a packet for Frank. But by then Moss had already lost interest in the overseas engagement, having decided the previous evening that she would no longer go overseas. Since she knew of the availability of courier services to deliver parcels from one country to another, she became suspicious and decided that she would go back home."

On top of the evidence from Moss, there was drug mule Tessa Beetge's arrest at São Paulo Airport in Brazil on June 13 2008 for drug trafficking, after two packets containing 9.25kg and 1.025 kg of cocaine were found in her luggage. She received a sentence of seven years and nine months' imprisonment, the judgement continues.


Beetge's mother testified that Cwele, a former neighbour had arranged their daughter's trip to Brazil after offering her a job doing administration work overseas. Charmaine Moss, had been told to travel to Turkey and pick up an unspecified parcel, but refused the assignment and instead turned state witness.

The court relied mainly on text messages and emails between Beetge and Cwele to reach its conclusion. In his ruling, Koen said that Cwele was involved in making travel arrangements for the women, and questioned the payment of such a large amount of 25,000 rands ($3,700) for work that required no qualifications.

Siyabonga Cwele has previously said that he had no knowledge of his wife’s drug dealing, and he did not attend court for the verdict. But his wife’s conviction has fuelled calls from opposition politicians for his resignation, and sparked questions about whether she took advantage of his position in government.

Critics have said that if Cwele was unaware of his wife’s drug smuggling, then he should not be in charge of the country's security and intelligence operations, Reuters reports.

Cwele’s accomplice Frank Nabolisa, a Nigerian national, was also found guilty by the High Court in Pietermaritzburg, KwaZulu-Natal province. Judge Piet Koen said that the pair had clearly worked together to recruit the women as drug mules.
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Directed by 'the Lord' in Her Dream 


Until her trip abroad, Beetge, a divorcée with two young daughters, had been living with her parents at their home in Margate. On hearing that their daughter had been offered some work overseas, her parents accompanied her to meet Cwele at her office to find out more about the job. After trying to call Nabolisa about the travel arrangements, Cwele told the family about her travels overseas and that the reason for her offering the opportunity to Beetge was because she was tired of travelling.

Beetge's mother, Marie Swanepoel, heard from her daughter on Friday June 13 2008. "Tessa reported to her that she had been arrested in São Paulo for drug trafficking," the judgement states. "After she had received the news of Tessa's arrest, Ms Swanepoel called Sheryl, who promised to call her back the next morning. Sheryl indeed called her as promised and told her that the Brazilian embassy would contact her, which never materialised."

The judgement recaps how the mother visited her daughter in prison in Brazil and brought home her cellphone, a SIM card from Peru and another from Colombia, plus a SIM card from South Africa and a suitcase, which was not the one she had left with on her trip.

Swanepoel used her daughter's password and downloaded all the data messages between Cwele and Beetge and handed the evidence to the police. Email correspondence was then obtained by an investigating officer who had visited Beetge in Brazil.

According to the judgment, Cwele's counsel conceded that she knew the business venture that was to involve Beetge was unlawful. While in Peru, Beetge wrote in an email to Cwele that she was waiting for a reply from her and Nabolisa.
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Last Day Of Freedom 
"Otherwise, I am still freezing my butt off in Peru, with Frank that is telling me to wait and wait and wait, and then when it's time to go I am ready and they cancel everything again. So has Frank told you when I am leaving??? or don't you know?"

Cwele responded two days later: "Hi Tess, Frank told me about the delay which is for your own good really. I understand you are coming back on Monday/Tuesday? Keep well and avoid people who may end up asking a lot of questions. See you soon, hang in there. Sheryl Cwele."
The judgement states that Cwele recruited Beetge and worked closely with Nabolisa in arranging her return to South Africa. "She even assured Tessa that the delay in her travel arrangements was for her own good, an indication in my view that she had knowledge of the dangers associated with the trip.

"… [S]he knew that Tessa was required to bring back something which it is unlawful to possess. Tessa was thereafter arrested with cocaine in her possession. The inference is irresistible, therefore, that Sheryl knew that the unlawful substance that Tessa was required to bring back was, in fact, cocaine."

Cwele and Nabolisa had both pleaded not guilty to charges including dealing or conspiring to deal drugs, and procuring the two women to smuggle drugs into South Africa. Neither Cwele or Nabolisa chose to testify in court. In the case of Cwele, as she faces her lengthy sentence behind bars, little is known about why she would have become involved in drug dealing.


Drug mule Tessa Beetge is “on top of the world” after only now being informed about the jailing of the pair who recruited her. Beetge, 35, who is serving an eight-year sentence in a Brazilian jail, felt vindicated that Sheryl Cwele and her accomplice, Frank Nabolisa, were in jail, her mother, Marie Swanepoel, said .

“She’s always said it was Cwele and Nabolisa who were behind the whole drug trafficking case and her subsequent arrest

It emerged during that trial that Nabolisa had acquired his South African ID fraudulently after his initial one was withdrawn when he defaulted on maintenance payments to one of two South African women to whom he had been married at different times.
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Security Minister Siyabonga Cwele


The conviction is the latest blow to South Africa's security services, coming on the heels of the arrest in March of the police's crime intelligence chief over a deadly love triangle a decade earlier. State Security Minister Siyabonga Cwele has ordered his top three intelligence chiefs to quit.

This follows a row over official protection provided for the minister’s wife during her trial on drug-trafficking charges. State Security ministry spokesperson Brian Dube that Gibson Njenje, the head of the State Security Agency’s (SSA) domestic branch – previously known as the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) – had resigned. He would not comment on “other speculation”.

Njenje’s resignation and its acceptance “with immediate effect” was announced within the agency, which is responsible for domestic and international intelligence, Cwele also asked director-general Jeff Maqetuka and the head of the South African Secret Service – now known as the agency’s foreign branch – Moe Shaik, to leave the agency.  They have allegedly refused to quit and have sought legal advice in the past week.

Insiders in the SSA say that the breakdown in trust between the minister and his intelligence chiefs are, among others, as a result of his wife Sheryl Cwele’s drug-trafficking conviction 
The catalyst for the showdown was a deep unhappiness within the agency after Cwele allegedly ordered that his wife be afforded intelligence protection for the duration of her trial. She was, insiders claim, transported to and from her trial in official vehicles and protected by intelligence-agency officers.

Sheryl Cwele was afforded full protection for the duration of her trial, even though the agency does not have a VIP protection unit and any protection would have had to be authorised by Njenje himself.

Disgraced former director for health and community services at Hibiscus Coast Municipality and convicted drug dealer, Sheryl Cwele, is now officially divorced from her husband, State Security Minister Siyabonga Cwele. The Witness has established that the divorce, which follows hot on the heels of 50-year-old Sheryl's cocaine trafficking conviction in May this year, was granted by Judge Trevor Gorven in the KwaZulu-Natal High Court in Pietermaritzburg on August 23.

According to the application papers, the minister had “lost all love and affection” for his wife and wished to be divorced from her. Court documents revealed the couple had not lived together as husband and wife since 2000 after getting married in 1985.

This contradicts Cwele’s denial at her bail hearing in February 2010 that she is estranged from her husband. In an apparent bid to allay rumours that they had split up at the time, the minister attended the bail application flanked by his bodyguards. He sat directly behind his wife in the dock, but she did not turn to look at him and he did not speak to her.

This wasn't the first time Sheryl had been found to be corrupt, if you can call being the head of an international drug ring corrupt. In April 2005 results of a forensic investigation into alleged fraud and corruption in the municipality, conducted by the Traditional and Local Government Affairs Department were released. Guess what, Cwele applied for her job after the closing date of November 8, 2002. She had no supporting documents, nothing in her application was certified and her application form wasn't even completed.

This shining beacon of South African politics has twice had her contract renewed, despite the fact that she didn’t meet the department’s competency profiles nor the minimum competency levels specified in the Municipal Finance Management Act regulations, required for officials at her level of seniority. She’s been found guilty of: Fraud, Incompetence, Nepotism, and now Drug trafficking


Convicted drug dealer Sheryl Cwele awoke on Friday morning to a new routine – one she will follow until she qualifies for parole, probably after serving at least half of her 20-year prison sentence.
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Prison Life
Cwele, 50, joined other inmates in Westville Prison’s female section on Thursday to start her sentence for drug dealing.

A senior prison official, who asked to remain anonymous, said her day would begin at 5am and end at 3pm, when she would be locked up in her cell. An official told reporters that the former Hibiscus Coast municipality’s director of health services and ex-wife of State Security Minister, Siyabonga Cwele, would be treated like any other offender.

“She will be locked up like rapists, murderers and other common criminals. There will be no special treatment for her,” said the official. The official said that on arrival Cwele was officially booked in, which included having her fingerprints taken. After a body search, Cwele changed into prison uniform – a blue denim skirt and white shirt.

“She started at the prison hospital for a medical check-up, which includes checking that she does not have injuries or illnesses. I’m not sure how long she is going to be at the hospital,” said the official.

Once in the cells, Cwele will start the day with a shower with the other inmates before cleaning her cell. The prisoners then leave their cells to line up on the balcony to be counted before eating a breakfast of brown bread with jam and porridge and a cup of tea.

Mexico's Drug War


Mexico's Drug War: Balkanization Leads to Regional Challenges
This Security Weekly assesses the most significant cartel-related developments of the first quarter of 2013 and provides updated profiles of Mexico's powerful criminal cartels, as well as a forecast for the rest of this year. It's the executive summary of a more detailed report available to clients of our Mexico Security Monitor service.

"Mexico's Drug War: Balkanization Leads to Regional Challenges is republished with permission of Stratfor."

By Tristan Reed
Tactical Analyst

Balkanization of Cartels
Since the late 1980s demise of the Guadalajara cartel, which controlled drug trade routes into the United States through most of Mexico, Mexican cartels have followed a trend of fracturing into more geographically compact, regional crime networks. This trend, which we are referring to as "Balkanization," has continued for more than two decades and has impacted all of the major cartel groups in Mexico. Indeed the Sinaloa Federation lost significant assets when the organizations run by Beltran Leyva and Ignacio Coronel split away from it. Los Zetas, currently the other most powerful cartel in Mexico, was formed when it split off from the Gulf cartel in 2010. Still these two organizations have fought hard to resist the trend of fracturing and have been able to grow despite being affected by it. This led to the polarized dynamic observed in 2011 when these two dominant Mexican cartels effectively split Mexican organized crime in two, with one group composed of Los Zetas and its allies and the other composed of the Sinaloa Federation and its allies.

This trend toward polarization has since been reversed, however, as Balkanization has led to rising regional challenges to both organizations since 2012. Most notable among these is the split between the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion and the Sinaloa Federation. The Sinaloa Federation continues to struggle with regional crime groups for control in western Chihuahua state, northern Sinaloa state, Jalisco state and northern Sonora state. Similarly, Los Zetas saw several regional challengers in 2012. Two regional groups saw sharp increases in their operational capabilities during 2012 and through the first quarter of 2013. These were the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion and the Knights Templar.

The Beltran Leyva Organizationprovides another example of the regionalization of Mexican organized crime. It has become an umbrella of autonomous, and in some cases conflicting, groups. Many of the groups that emerged from it control specific geographic areas and fight among each other largely in isolation from the conflict between Los Zetas and the Sinaloa Federation. Many of these successor crime groups, such as the Independent Cartel of Acapulco, Los Rojos and Guerreros Unidos are currently fighting for their own geographic niches. As its name implies, the Independent Cartel of Acapulco mostly acts in Acapulco, while Los Rojos and Guerreros Unidos mostly act in Morelos state.

The ongoing fragmentation of Mexican cartels is not likely to reverse, at least not in the next few years. Despite this, while Los Zetas and the Sinaloa Federation continue to face new rivals and suffer from internal splintering, their resources are not necessarily declining. Neither criminal organization faces implosion or a substantial decline as a transnational criminal organization as a result of rising regional challengers. Both Los Zetas and the Sinaloa Federation continue to extend their drug trafficking operations on a transnational level, increasing both their influence and profits. Still, they will continue to face the new reality, in which they are forced to work with -- or fight -- regional groups.

Los Zetas
In Hidalgo state, a former Zetas stronghold, the Knights Templar have made significant inroads, although violence has not risen to the level of that in the previously mentioned states. Also, the turf war within Nuevo Leon and Tamaulipas states between the Gulf cartel and Los Zetas that began when Los Zetas split from the Gulf cartel in 2010 continues.

In light of Ivan "El Taliban" Velazquez Caballero's dissent from Los Zetas and the death of former leader Heriberto "El Lazca" Lazcano Lazcano, Zetas leader Miguel "Z-40" Trevino Morales could face organizational integrity issues during 2013. Signs of such issues appeared in Cancun during the first quarter when some members of Los Zetas reportedly broke from the group and adopted the Gulf cartel name. Besides possible minor dissent, a seemingly new rival has emerged in Tabasco state to counter Los Zetas. A group called Pueblo Unido Contra la Delincuencia, Spanish for "People United Against Crime," carried out a series of executions in Tabasco state throughout the first quarter, but the group's origins and significance remain unclear. No indicators of substantial splintering among Los Zetas have emerged since the Velazquez split.

Sinaloa Federation
Regional organizations continued to challenge the Sinaloa Federation on its turf in western Chihuahua state, northern Sinaloa state and Jalisco state through the first quarter. Intercartel violence in mountainous western Chihuahua continues as the Sinaloa Federation fights La Linea for control of the region's smuggling routes and drug cultivation areas. Los Mazatlecos so far has maintained its control over northern Sinaloa cities, such as Los Mochis and Guasave. It also has continued violent incursions into southern areas of Sinaloa state, such as Mazatlan, Concordia and El Rosario with its ally Los Zetas. 

Gulf Cartel
At the beginning of 2012, Gulf cartel territory appeared likely to be absorbed by larger cartels -- essentially signaling the end of the Gulf cartel. Support from the Sinaloa Federation and the Knights Templar combined with fractures within Los Zetas allowed a Gulf cartel resurgence, leading to a renewed Gulf assault on Los Zetas in the northeastern states of Mexico. The resurgence ended with a series of notable arrests during the last quarter of 2012, such as that of former top leader Jorge Eduardo "El Coss" Costilla Sanchez. The arrests triggered additional Gulf cartel infighting, which peaked in March 2013.

The escalated infighting in the Gulf cartel, particularly in Reynosa, Tamaulipas state, highlighted the new state of the Gulf cartel: Instead of operating as a cohesive criminal network, the Gulf cartel now consists of factions linked by history and the Gulf label. The infighting began in 2010 after the death of former top Gulf cartel leader Antonio Ezequiel "Tony Tormenta" Cardenas Guillen. The death of Cardenas Guillen split the Gulf cartel into two main factions, Los Rojos and Los Metros. By the first quarter of 2013, infighting had broken out between Los Metros leaders, such as Mario "Pelon" Ramirez Trevino, David "Metro 4" Salgado and Miguel "El Gringo" Villarreal. This suggests the Gulf cartel is further fractured and no longer consists of just two opposing sides. The Gulf cartel may begin acting as a cohesive network during the second quarter after the escalated infighting in March, though this cannot be definitely predicted.

From March 10 to March 19, Reynosa became the focal point for Gulf cartel infighting as Ramirez Trevino escalated his conflict against Villarreal. Ramirez Trevino reportedly expelled Villarreal's faction and its allies from the Reynosa plaza and killed Salgado. This could mean Ramirez Trevino has consolidated control over other Gulf cartel factions. If true, this would represent a substantial shift in organized criminal operations in northeastern Tamaulipas state, where the Sinaloa Federation and the Knights Templar smuggle drugs, people and other illicit commodities through the border towns of Reynosa and Matamoros while Los Zetas maintain a constant interest in fighting for control of the stated cities.

As mentioned during the last annual update, Gulf cartel factions are increasingly reliant on Sinaloa Federation and Knights Templar support to defend the remaining Gulf cartel territory in Tamaulipas state from Los Zetas. This certainly remains true after the first quarter, although the recent shift from Gulf cartel infighting may signal a shift in inter cartel dynamics. Since the Gulf cartel in reality consists of separate factions, there is likely a separate relationship between each Gulf cartel faction and the larger criminal organizations reportedly in alignment with them. With Ramirez Trevino now in charge of Reynosa, a city valued by both the Sinaloa Federation and the Knights Templar, his existing relationship with the two organizations will likely influence their strategies for maintaining their interests in Gulf cartel-controlled areas. Additionally, it is not yet clear whether Ramirez Trevino suffered any substantial losses during the March fighting in Reynosa. If he did lose some capabilities fighting Los Zetas in Tamaulipas state, or if he has challenged a faction loyal to either the Sinaloa Federation or the Knights Templar, either organization would likely have to use its own gunmen for defending Gulf cartel-controlled areas or mounting their own incursions into Zetas territory, particularly Nuevo Laredo.

Intercartel violence in the Gulf cartel-controlled city of Reynosa will likely diminish compared to the first quarter of 2013 if Ramirez Trevino has indeed won. This reduction in violence will continue only as long as Ramirez Trevino is able to hold his control over Reynosa. Influence from external organizations, such as Los Zetas, the Sinaloa Federation and the Knights Templar, could once again spark violence if Ramirez Trevino's efforts have harmed their trafficking operations through Reynosa or presented a new opportunity to seize control. What, if any, Gulf cartel infighting is ongoing is difficult to gauge.

Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion
The severing of the relationship between the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion and the Sinaloa Federation came to the forefront of conflicts in the Pacific states of Michoacan and Jalisco during the first quarter of 2013. The Sinaloa Federation relied on its alliance with the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion in defending the critical location of Guadalajara from Los Zetas and used the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion as an assault force into Los Zetas strongholds, such as Veracruz state.

Although evidence of the rift between the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion and the Sinaloa Federation began to appear in open-source reporting during the last half of 2012, the conflict between the two organizations only became clear when the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion went on the offensive in Jalisco state by attacking Sinaloa Federation allies Los Coroneles, the Knights Templar and the Gulf cartel. 

With a now-fully independent Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion, the polarization of warring cartels in Mexico has effectively ended. In addition to the existing conflicts between the Sinaloa Federation and Los Zetas, the Sinaloa Federation must now focus on reclaiming an operational hold over Jalisco state from the now-rival Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion. The second quarter will continue to see a conflict between the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion and Sinaloa Federation-aligned groups in Jalisco state as well as neighboring states like Michoacan.

Knights Templar
The Knights Templar experienced intensified conflict during the first quarter from their principal rival, Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion. In an effort to combat the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion, the Knights Templar have allied with other Sinaloa Federation-aligned groups, the Gulf cartel and Los Coroneles, referring to themselves as "Los Aliados" to fight the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion within Jalisco. Violence as a result of this alliance against the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion has been most notable in the Guadalajara metropolitan area as well as towns lying on highways 15 and 90, which connect to Guadalajara.

In addition to the Knights Templar offensive into Jalisco state, the group is currently defending its stronghold of Michoacan state. The Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion also has conducted violent assaults against the Knights Templar in Michoacan, particularly on routes leading from Jalisco state toward Apatzingan, Michoacan state. This assault has increased intercartel violence along the border of the two states as part of a tit-for-tat dynamic. 

Citizens of Buenavista Tomatlan, Michoacan state, a municipality lying amid territory contested by the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion and the Knights Templar, have recently set up a community police force to counter Knights Templar operations in the municipality. As in some other areas of Mexico, this community police force is a volunteer force that assumed law enforcement responsibilities independent of the Mexican government. The community police, while established to thwart the Knights Templar, have created tension between the communities of Buenavista Tomatlan and the government. On March 8, the Mexican military detained approximately 34 members of the community police force that had been created in February in Buenavista Tomatlan.

The Buenavista Tomatlan arrests occurred after the community police took over the municipal police station March 4 and detained the municipal police chief, who the Mexican military later freed. Notably, the Mexican government claimed at least 30 of the detained community police belonged to the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion. If true, this suggests it has made territorial gains to the point of infiltrating the community police. However, there has been no confirmation on whether the accusations are true. Regardless, the community police force of Buenavista Tomatlan has placed its focus on stopping Knights Templar operations in the area, a focus that could only benefit the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion's war with its rivals.

Crack Epidemic Hits West Africa

Local consumption of crack or‘Pedra’ as it is called has rocketed in recent years since the country became a major hub for coke on its way heading to Europe from S. America, and crack is highly addictive. Since then thousands of people in Bissau's slums like Reno have become crack addicts. Prostitution has increased substantially consequently driving a new HIV/AIDS epidemic.   
  
The reason people here prefer pedra is that it is more powerful than cocaine and much much cheaper. You can get one rock of pedra for around 250 CFA francs ($0.40) and a few rocks can last a couple of days.  A gram of cocaine, however, costs between 6,000 CFA francs (US $15) and 12,000 CFA francs ($30) depending on your source and it is only enough for a night or two. Nowadays pedra can be found almost anywhere in the country, even in remote villages, but the most notorious area for it is called Reno [in Bissau]. It’s a tough neighbourhood where even police are afraid to go. Reno was bad before but in the last couple of years it has really gotten out of control.
Guinea-Bissau’s only drug-addiction clinic lies on a back road in the quiet village about an hour outside Bissau.  José Belenta arrived at Quinhámel mental-health centre with his wrists and ankles bound. Then addicted to crack, the former carpenter is now clean and has become a voluntary worker at the clinic. Run by an evangelical pastor with no formal medical training, it combines drug rehab with a safe environment for the mentally ill: Belenta has to break off from our conversation a number of times to administer sedatives to patients or to calm his charges. 

“It started in 2009,” he says. “Some of my friends had big money, and I’d travel up and down helping them to transport the drugs.” Belenta says he was paying around 70 ¢ for a hit. He estimates 20% to 30% of the young people in Bissau are now using crack. A World Health Organization representative in Bissau, who asks not to be identified, concurs with that rough assessment.  But over the past couple of years more crack addicts have been turning up, he said. Families often turn addicted relatives who steal from them over to the police, who bring them to the centre. But the facility is not able to offer proper accommodation to its patients. Many are chained outside to prevent them from wandering off. The centre also lacks trained staff, and relies mainly on religious instruction as a substitute for treatment. "We work in the spiritual area to know God's word," Mr Té said. "God judges the person who does bad - that's what we teach them." 

“We have no proof,” he says, “but if you see the number of people with mental illness now, it figures that there is an increase in drug use.”

In Guinea-Bissau, one of the poorest countries in the world and one of the smallest, with a population of just 1.6 million, the drug now permeates the entire nation, from the military and political elites, who facilitate its passage, to the poorest and most vulnerable, who are developing a rising addiction.

Despite obvious signs of the trade — such as $100,000 cars in Bissau’s streets and smugglers’ abandoned Gulfstream jet at the airport — the drug business thrives on a wilful silence. Recently Public television in the Cape Verde Islands says U.S. authorities operating at sea have arrested a former navy chief of the small West African nation of Guinea-Bissau who is suspected of being a kingpin in the international drug trade. Radiotelevisao Caboverdiana reported late Thursday that Rear Adm. Jose Americo Bubo Na Tchutoand four other Guinea-Bissau nationals were apprehended aboard a yacht in international waters in the eastern Atlantic Ocean in an undercover sting operation.
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 Bubo Clipped In Sting

Malam is a 35-year-old Bissau-Guinean drug dealer and international trafficker. He tells me he has full impunity because he is related to a former President. “The police are worthless,” says Malam, who refuses to use his full name. “They’re in everyone’s pocket.” He dips into his own supply on occasion and counts himself lucky. The younger and poorer in Guinea-Bissau use cocaine’s cheaper and more-addictive derivative, crack. As night falls in the capital, young people can be seen gathering in groups under mango trees or in sleepy side streets to smoke rocks of crack cocaine for less than a dollar a hit. “No police approach them,” says Peter Correia, a government health care worker, in his small office piled high with boxes of condoms. “They can’t because of the condition of these people — they are becoming dangerous.”

Now the epicentre of an expanding West African cocaine trade, Guinea-Bissau is confronting an entirely new problem that threatens disaster for its fragile health, law enforcement and justice systems - a burgeoning population of home-grown crack addicts. Unheard of until recently in this tiny former Portuguese colony, use of crack cocaine is a spillover effect of thetransnational cocaine trade.During the past few years, traffickers have increasingly been using Guinea-Bissau as a transit point to move drugs from South America into Europe. Large cocaine shipments arrive here to be broken down into smaller quantities before being smuggled onwards. But some of the drug remains in the country, where it is refined into cheap crack cocaine that feeds a growing number of addictions. 

Although the vast majority of cocaine arriving in the country ends up on the streets of European cities, the use of crack cocaine in poor areas of the capital city, Bissau is prevalent  In one neighbourhood a local drug lord conspires with police and some residents to hide the problem - indicating one reason that crack use has rarely been exposed to the public. In a dusty cul-de-sac at the end of a labyrinthine network of rutted dirt roads, a group of young men stood lounging in the mid-afternoon sun. One of them entered the dingy, walled-in porch of a ramshackle house. In his hand he held a pebble-sized rock of crack cocaine. The addict fashioned a pipe out of a broken section of car antenna and a piece of tinfoil. He began to smoke with single-minded determination, ignoring the click of the camera and questions being asked through a translator. His reverie was broken suddenly by a large man wearing a gold chain who entered the veranda. 

The man - later identified as a dealer - became irate because he suspected that drug use was being documented by agents for Interpol, the international police agency, which is active in the country. As the drug dealer continued his tirade, residents gathered around, forming a group of about 70 people. Many shouted in Creole and attempted to grab photography and recording equipment. About 20 minutes later, the scene calmed with the arrival of a pick-up lorry filled with armed police officers. At the police station, the drug dealer and police officers colluded to make sure evidence of drug use was erased. Given their poor training and meagre pay, it is perhaps not surprising that members of the security forces and judiciary have been corrupted by drug money. 
The United Nations estimates that 60 -250 tons of cocaine transits West Africa each year. That's a street value of between $120 - $500 billion. Much of it passes through Guinea-Bissau, which the United Nations ranks as the third-least developed country in the world. "I don't think we can avoid talking of corruption, of permeability, of both of the law enforcement apparatus and of the judicial system," said Antonio Mazzitelli, the West Africa representative for the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Drug cartels looking for a base of operations found a welcoming environment in Guinea-Bissau, where the security and justice sectors are notoriously corrupt and ineffective. "Even if somebody is arrested he has a very good likelihood of escaping prosecution, through corruption or [some other] break in the prosecutorial chain," Mr Mazzitelli said. 

Given their fragile state, the police and justice systems are ill-equipped to deal with the rise of crime that will inevitably follow an epidemic of crack use, as it has in cities throughout the world. The cocaine trade is relatively new to Guinea-Bissau, arriving around 2004, according to UNODC. So far, the country has been spared the bloodshed that plagues such countries as Colombia or Mexico, where drug cartels are powerful. But the violence may be starting already. Ms Pires, the justice minister, said Guinea-Bissau recently had its first drug-related homicide. 

While rival gangs battle over profits from the drug trade, thefts are likely to become common as a growing number of crack addicts in poor areas struggle to feed their addictions. "You don't sleep, you don't eat, you don't have nice clothes, you don't have shoes. All you want is to steal something and smoke," said one recovering crack addict who requested anonymity. An epidemic of drug use would also overwhelm the country's crumbling health system. It covers only 40 per cent of the population, according to the World Health Organization, and offers no drug treatment programmes. 

Guinea-Bissau's domestic drug-abuse problem is still in its early stages, and is small enough that government officials deny its existence. But some predict that West Africa could soon face a crack epidemic similar to those that have ravaged the streets in western cities. In developed countries, hotly contested theories abound about how best to fight and treat drug abuse.But the debate has hardly penetrated West African countries, many of which are struggling to recover from war, as well as poverty and corruption. Mr Mazzitelli of the UNODC said a crack epidemic will only add to the region's woes. "If the issue is not addressed in the short term - in the mid-run certainly - together with its already important health problems, they will have to face the problems of drug dependency and of the violence that drug dependency generates."
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Rehab Africa
In Sierra Leone harder drugs - cocaine and, to a lesser extent, heroin - have become increasingly available, authorities and health practitioners say. They blame West Africa's growing role as a transit route for the global narcotics trade. Cocaine comes from Latin America and heroin from South-east Asia, officials explained, and through such countries as Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, and Sierra Leone. The drugs then continue on to Europe and North America.

In one high-profile case in 2008, for example, Sierra Leone's Minister of Transport and Aviation was dismissed for his alleged involvement in the landing of an air plane carrying 700 kilograms of cocaine. And in December 2011, police seized a shipment of cocaine reportedly en route fromEcuador.

As smuggling activity has increased, there's been a spillover effect. According to the United Nations' 2012 World Drug Report, "increasing trafficking of cocaine through the coastal countries of West Africa is leading to an increase in cocaine use… with cocaine use possibly emerging alongside heroin use as a major problem".
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City Of Rest Rehab Centre

Dr Edward Nahim, an adviser to the Sierra Leone National Drug Enforcement Agency, explained that it is common for drug handlers to be paid with portions of the product they're moving, which is contributing to a growing proliferation of those narcotics in Sierra Leone.

"These international traffickers don't work with money; that is the problem," Nahim said. "They pay people with the drugs, and that is how these drugs stay behind."

The only certified psychiatrist in the country, Nahim estimated that 80 percent of the patients he sees are suffering from "drug-induced psychotic disorders". He noted that for now, the majority of those cases stem from heavy abuse of alcohol and high-grade marijuana, but that he is also observing an increase in the use of cocaine and heroin.

Ibrahim Samura, assistant superintendent for Sierra Leone's national police force, also said that drug abuse is on the rise. He described the situation as "alarming," and linked it to "an increase in gangsterism".
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Pastor Morie Ngobeh
"They use [drugs] more than is necessary, and it spurs them to behave abnormally and do things they wouldn't do in their right senses," he said. "They kill, they rape, they smoke marijuana, they carry weapons and do criminal activities."

Samura called attention to legislation passed in 2009 that created stiffer penalties for drug trafficking. In March 2010, the UN secretary-general's representative to Sierra Leone praised such efforts, but argued that to effectively tackle Sierra Leone's drug problem, the country's high unemployment rate for young people must first be addressed. Some seventy percent of youth were unemployed or underemployed in 2010, according to government statistics.

Hidden in a congested area of down town Freetown is the so-called "Lumley Street Cartel Ground". Down a narrow entrance, barely visible amid a throng of market stalls, the collection of shacks is a hub for the distribution and use of drugs in the capital city.
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Rehab Bissau

Sitting on a chair off to one side of the unadorned space was an old woman - reportedly the wife of a police officer - with a long scar running down one side of her face. She refused to speak to journalists, but directed two of her dealers to act as escorts. For the next 30 minutes, the men moved though a labyrinthine network of alleys and side streets, to join a small group of youths who were willing to talk about how drugs were affecting their lives and communities. Alimu Kamara said that everything he has goes to drugs. "I won't come out of there [drug dens] with one penny," the 24-year-old said. "All I do is smoke smoke smoke da brown-brown [heroin]."

Kamara and two childhood friends shared tattoos marking them as members of a gang called "Cens Coast Hood", which they said distributed drugs across the country. The young men said they didn't know where the relatively recent influxes of cocaine or heroin were coming from. "By plane, by boat - I don't know," one shrugged. Their only concern was the immediate need to get high, a priority they said was common among street-level dealers.
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Rehab Freetown

"I gotta do drugs to move around, to wake me up," Kamara complained. "When I don't have something, it's hopeless."

Asked if there was anything he would like to say on behalf of young people struggling with drugs, Kamara politely declined to answer. "I don't feel like I can," he explained. "I want to change myself first. Then I can say something."

Though few options exist, there are places in Sierra Leone where individuals struggling with drugs can get help.

One is Nahim's clinic in Freetown, though the psychiatrist noted that treating severe cases remained difficult. He explained that in a poor country such as Sierra Leone, medicines used to treat addiction, such as methadone, are prohibitively expensive. Nahim said he therefore employed the "cold turkey method", despite it often entailing painful withdrawal symptoms. "We restrain you physically," he said. "Then we give you very strong tranquillising drugs that will keep you asleep during that period, maybe for one or two days."

Another option is "City of Rest", the only dedicated mental health facility in Sierra Leone. There, Pastor Morie Ngobeh has helped men and women struggling with addiction and other disorders since 1985. He said that 25 of 40 beds provided for in-patient care were currently occupied by people with problems related to drugs and alcohol.


The City of Rest Rehabilitation Centre at Fort Street in Freetown offers residential care for 40 people struggling with addiction problems and or mental illness. The centre seeks to bring spiritual, physical, and psychosocial/mental healing and restoration to lives that have been severely affected by substance abuse and or mental illness.  The City of rest which is the only rehabilitation centre for people with substance abuse disorders in Sierra Leone is partly supported by local charges and individuals. Some 30 people trying to beat addiction to drugs like cocaine, are currently on a waiting list for ‘City of Rest.

"In the 1980s, drug problems were very rare," Ngobeh said. "Now, all kinds of drugs are in this country."

Nahim and Ngobeh each have decades of experience working with addiction. In separate interviews, they both cited a lack of options for meaningful work as a primary factor driving young people to drugs.

"They are in the ghettos all day long, and for hours at night as well," Nahim said. "And that's on a regular, daily basis." He argued that to begin to solve the country's drug problem, it is this group of especially vulnerable people that must be made a priority.

Ngobeh echoed Nahim's words. "When these young people are frustrated or depressed, they easily go to drugs," he said. "They want to forget their problems. But they don't forget… and that's how most of them become addicted." Image may be NSFW.
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Guyana Connection

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Ricardo ‘Fatman’ Rodrigues
The recent seizure of liquid cocaine bound for Africa shows that Guyana continues to be an important transit country for cocaine destined for the United States, Canada, the Caribbean,Europe and West Africa. Cocaine originating in Colombia is smuggled to Venezuela and onward to Guyana by sea (fishing vessels, bulk cargo vessels and tug vessels) or air. Because porous borders, smuggling is also conducted by land from Brazil and Suriname into Guyana. Once cocaine arrives in Guyana, it is often concealed in legitimate commodities and smuggled via commercial maritime vessels, air shipments, human couriers, or the postal services.

Drug trafficking organizations based in Guyana are beginning to use neighbouring Suriname as a major distribution hub. The cocaine is smuggled into Guyana and then transported to Suriname for safekeeping and distribution. Approximately 352kg of cocaine was seized in 2011. As a result  of these seizures,Guyanese authorities have case spending prosecution against 16 mid-level and senior drug traffickers. As a matter of policy, the Government of Guyana does not encourage or facilitate the illicit production or distribution of narcotics .News media, however, report on allegations of corruption; some reports have implicated police personally in stealing drugs from seizures, while others point to high government officials who are not investigated and thus go unpunished.

Guyana Players
Ricardo ‘Fatman’ Rodrigues, was executed by a five-man squad in broad daylight on a quiet Monday afternoon on 15th October in Georgetown. He had been released on bail following his arrest over the discovery of an arms cache in the Rupununi that contained ten automatic and assault rifles, hand grenades, hundreds of rounds of ammunition and other items. Rodrigues is a close associate of Guyanese Shaheed 'Roger' Khan who has been jailed in the United States for cocaine trafficking. 
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Shaheed 'Roger' Khan 

Shaheed 'Roger' Khan is a Guyanese criminal who was active in drugs trafficking, money laundering and arms smuggling. He trafficked cocaine from Colombia into the United States and used construction and forestry businesses to launder money. Khan was considered to be Guyana's most powerful drug lord.  In US embassy cables published by Wikileaks Khan's control over Guyana is compared with Pablo Escobar's erstwhile control over Colombia.
Khan used to surround himself with a coterie of former police tactical squad members for security. According to cables published by Wikileaks Khan used to pay his low-level security personnel USD 1,600 per month—at least eight times what they previously earned with the police force.

In 1993 Khan was arrested in the Burlington, Vermont for receiving and possessing firearms while being a convicted felon (he was on probation for theft committed in 1992 in Montgomery County, Maryland, USA. He would be tried for possession of illegal firearms and ammunition but fled to Guyana when he was on bail. On 15 June 2006 Khan was arrested in Paramaribo with three of his bodyguards in a sting operation that Surinamese police said netted more than 200 kilograms of cocaine - the biggest cocaine haul in Suriname of that year.  Instead of being deported to Guyana then minister of Justice of Suriname Chan Santokhi ordered that Khan would be flown to Trinidad. This decision received a lot of protest from president Dési Bouterse's party, which then formed the biggest opposition party in the parliament of Suriname. Upon the arrival at the airport of Trinidad Khan was handed over to immigration authorities who then handed him over to US officials. Less than 24 hours after being expelled from Suriname, Khan was arraigned at the Brooklyn Federal Court in New York on 30 June 2006 on a charge of “conspiring to import cocaine” and was ordered to be detained at the Metropolitan Detention Centre in Brooklyn.

In October 2009 Khan was sentenced in a courtroom in Brooklyn, New York to 40 years imprisonment for trafficking large amounts of cocaine in the United States of America, witness tampering and illegal firearm possession.
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Lawyer Robert Simels

According to US embassy cables Khan had ties with the FARC. Khan exchanged the arms he smuggled into Guyana from Suriname, French Guyana, and possibly France with the FARC for cocaine. According to the cables there are strong indications that Khan was deeply involved in a huge shipment of weapons to FARC in Colombia in December 2005.

Khan's lawyer in his case was Robert Simels. Simels is former lawyer of convicted drug trafficker Kenneth McGriff and American mobster Henry Hill, who received international fame because of the 1990 American crime movie Goodfellas which portrays his rise and fall. On 4 December, 2009, Khan's lawyer was sentenced to 14 years in prison for, after consulting with Khan in jail, instructing a hit-man to kill the star witness in Khan's case. However, the hit-man turned out to be a government informant who secretly recorded the conversations with Simels. 
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 Jean Le Blanc

The link between narco-trafficking and gun-running is clear. It is evident also, that drugs and guns have been contributing to murders during the People’s Progressive Party Civic’s 20-year administration. The Guyana Police Force recorded 114 murders so far in 2012. Nine of these were ‘executions’ which might have been related to the narcotics trade. Armed robberies, which increased by 15 per cent to 854 – a rate of nearly three per day – are partly the result of more fire power on the street which accompanies drug-running. Jean Le Blanc, a Canadian from Montreal with mob ties, who was shot at the same time as Rodrigues, died mysteriously in hospital on 26th October. Marlon ‘Trini” Osbourne, Rodrigues’s personal bodyguard, was executed on 31st October in broad daylight in the quiet ward of Queenstown, Georgetown by a squad of gunmen.

The United States is seeking Barry Dataram for cocaine smuggling offences, but has been unable to secure his provisional arrest because the extradition treaty between Guyana and the US contains a proviso which allows the US to extradite to third countries. Dataram came up on the radar after the kidnapping of his wife, Sheleza, and their three-year-old daughter in December 2007 by two Venezuelans, one of whom was later shot dead in a confrontation with the police. Dataram was then arrested and had been detained by police beyond the 72 hours that the law allows a person to be held in custody before being charged. His lawyers subsequently approached the court with a habeas corpus writ but police asked for an extension to conclude their investigation into the kidnapping, which they said was drug-related.
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Barry Dataram 

They ought to explain why the Guyana Government has been “engaged in discussion” with the US administration about the establishment of a United States Drug Enforcement Agency Office in Guyana for over 12 years without reaching agreement while Barbados, Suriname and Trinidad opened DEA offices!
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Marlon ‘Trini” Osbourne

The country’s two existing counter-narcotics agencies “ Customs Anti-Narcotics Unit and Police Narcotics Branch – have never been provided with the surveillance aircraft, river and coastal patrol boats, all-terrain vehicles and trained personnel needed to secure the country’s main international transit points, coasts and borders. They seem incapable of identifying, much less investigating, the major drug cartels that have the ability to keep the trade going.
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Vic Puran and Barry
The same day as Ricardo ‘Fatman’ Rodrigues was killed high profile lawyer  Vic Puran died in a mysterious accident.  His car was found early the next morning. He had apparently lost control of the car and it ran into the trench. Vic had represented several defendants charged with cocaine trafficking including Dataram, who is currently missing.

A ex police commissioner was also mentioned in a confidential US embassy report by the DEA . Greene’s name has appeared repeatedly in reports from various USG agencies  “U.S. law enforcement has reliable reports from multiple sources that Henry Greene has benefited from, and continues to benefit from, the proceeds of drug trafficking.”
A month before Vic's ill fated car accident ex police chief Green also had a car accident which turned out to be fatal.


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Big Man Henry Greene
 In 2006 the Agriculture Minister Satyadeo Sawh was assassined in a home invasion robbery, according to a leaked US embassy report Sawh was said to be close with a certain Salim Azeez, a suspected money launderer and alien smuggler. Azeez financed a fish farm, Newline Aqua Farm, which appears to be a money laundering operation. Azeez was previously arrested with several Guyanese and U.S. passports but later was acquitted of wrongdoing. 

The cartels continue landing foreign aircraft and even constructing illegal airstrips that can accommodate foreign cocaine cargo planes. The Guyanese public has had to learn, quite by chance, every now and then over the past 20 years, of illegal flights of strange foreign aircraft; of low-flying aircraft which dropped 20 cartons of cocaine at Loo Lands, on the Demerara River, in June 1993.

The burnt-out aircraft ‘discovered’ on the airstrip at Bartica in December 1998; of another burnt-out aircraft ‘discovered’ at Mabura Hill in July 2000; of the abandoned aircraft at Kwapau airstrip in March 2005 and of the discovery of a burn-out aeroplane on an illegal airstrip at Wanatoba, 130 km upriver from Orealla on the Corentyne River, in December 2007.

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Europe's Appetite for Cocaine Endangering Africa


A Boeing aircraft from Venezuela landed on an improvised landing strip in Mali’s Gao region, with ten tones of cocaine on board. News reports about aircraft in West Africa filled up with cocaine are becoming more and more frequent. The drugs cartels in Latin America have discovered that they can reach the European market via Africa. Organised crime is such a rewarding industry in Europe because ordinary Europeans spend an ever-burgeoning amount of their spare time and money snorting coke through €50 notes.

In case you think this is a wild exaggeration, take note of an article published by the London Sunday Telegraph. So much cocaine is being used in London that traces of the white powdered narcotic can be detected in the River Thames. Citing scientific research that it had commissioned, it said an estimated 2kg of cocaine, or 80 000 lines, spill into the river every day after passing through users’ bodies and sewage treatment plants.

It extrapolated that 150 000 lines of the illegal drug are snorted in the British capital every single day, or 15 times higher than the official figure given by the Home Office. Europeans belong to the largest consumers of illicit drugs, absorbing about one fifth of the global heroin, cocaine and cannabis supply, as well as one third of ecstasy production (UNODC World Drug report, 2008). 

The Norwegian Institute for Water Research (NIVA) in Oslo and the Mario Negri Institute in Milan led a research initiative, directly collaborating with 11 European research institutes. Raw sewage samples from 19 large European cities were collected by the participants of the study during a single week in March 2011 and analyzed for the urinary biomarkers of cocaine, amphetamine, ecstasy, methamphetamine and cannabis. The total amount of the drugs used by inhabitants of each of the 19 cities was measured and then the results were adjusted for population size.

The data show distinct temporal and spatial patterns in drug use across Europe. Cocaine use was higher in Western and Central Europe and lower in Northern and Eastern Europe. High per capita ecstasy loads were measured in Dutch cities, as well as in Antwerp and London. In general, cocaine and ecstasy loads were significantly elevated during the weekend compared to weekdays. Per capita loads of methamphetamine were highest in Helsinki, Turku, Oslo and Budweis, while per capita loads of cannabis were similar throughout Europe.

MPs Double Standard
A recent scandal broke out among Italian parliamentarians, in a clever yet classic sting operation staged by the producers of Le Iene, a popular prime time TV show, a secret drug test taken by Italian parliamentarians revealed that almost one out of three Italian MPs appeared to have taken illegal drugs in the previous 36 hours. More precisely, the secret drug test showed that 16 out of 50 politicians had allegedly tested positive for cocaine use.The cult TV show Le Iene, sent a reporter and camera crew, purporting to represent Fox TV, to the Italian Parliament at asking MPs for their views on the 2007 budget draft. Yet unknown to the politicians posing for the camera, the make-up artist dabbing the sweat from their brows during their ‘interview’ was in reality collecting their perspiration in order to test it for the presence of illegal substances. 

The tests were conducted with a device called Drugswipe, used by German and Swiss police in random traffic checks, it can test for drug use within the last 36 hours in as little as five minutes Former president of the lower house Pierferdinando Casini stated, ‘The value of this experiment is precisely zero.’ In response to concerns about the test’s reliability, the chief producer of Le Iene, Davide Parenti, had argued that the Drugswipe ‘is 100 % accurate. Amid parliamentary uproar over the shocking results of the secret drug test conducted by Le Iene,The Privacy Authority blocked the transmission of the segment, contending that the data was collected in a covert and illegal manner, thereby invading the MPs’ privacy.

Instead, the first episode of the autumn series broadcast a similar segment in which the Drugswipe test was unknowingly used on the patrons of a nightclub. Results showed that 20 out of the 40 club-goers interviewed had tested positive for cocaine. However, in this case the Italian Privacy Authority did not censor the segment.
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Italian parliament Palace Flying High

But wouldn't an identical sting on the Italian public also be a violation of an individual’s privacy? Is this a double standard applicable only to Italian MPs who consider themselves above the law, yet the citizenry not? Is this so-called ‘privacy privilege’ among MPs valid only for those who passed the‘zero tolerance’ drug law last February, abolishing the distinction between hard and soft drugs and making possession as well as dealing a criminal offence?
Between 1998 and 2009 global production of opium rose almost 80% … "Just a decade ago, the North American market for cocaine was four times larger than that of Europe, but now we are witnessing a complete rebalancing. Today the estimated value of the European cocaine market ($65-billion) is almost equivalent to that of the North American market ($70-billion), it has simply experienced a geographical shift in supply and demand. 

Drug trafficking, the critical link between supply and demand, is fuelling a global criminal enterprise valued in the hundreds of billions of dollars that poses a growing challenge to stability and security. Drug traffickers and cartels are forming transnational networks, sourcing drugs on one continent, trafficking them across another and marketing them in a third. 

In some countries and regions the value of the illicit drug trade far exceeds the size of the legitimate economy. Given the enormous amounts of money controlled by drug traffickers, they have the capacity to corrupt officials. In recent years we have seen several such cases in which ministers and heads of national law enforcement agencies have been implicated in drug-related corruption. We are also witnessing more and more acts of violence, conflicts and terrorist activities fuelled by drug trafficking and organised crime.

The transporting of narcotics via the west coast of Africa has proven to be the most secure way of getting drugs to customers in Europe. The so-called Atlantic route (South America – Portugal – Spain) is becoming steadily more difficult, so the drugs cartels have turned their attention to West Africa, which has a practically unguarded coastline and impoverished, weak and easy-to-bribe governments.

Waterbed Effect
“The drugs trade, which has Europe as its primary destination, now chooses the African route. Especially the poor, open-to-bribery countries, but also the larger and more stable parts of Africa such as Nigeria and South Africa”, says Wil Pantsers, Director of the Mexican Studies Centre at the University of Groningen.

Every time a country somewhere in the world proudly presents figures showing the progress of the war against drugs trafficking, figures in another part of the world give precisely the opposite impression. The golden rule of supply and demand that defines the marketplace certainly applies to the drugs trade.

Weak States
Forty tonnes (27 percent) of the cocaine consumed in Europe have passed through various West African countries: Nigeria, Ghana, Liberia,Sierra Leone, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau,Cape Verde,Senegal, Mali or Mauritania. The international airports on the other side of the continent serve as through-routes for heroin that is imported from Asia and sold on the streets of Amsterdam or London. That’s according to the annual report of the International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) of the United Nations.

The rapid growth is not only the consequence of the creativity and vast experience of the Latin American drugs cartels. The weakness of the states with which they do business, and the extreme poverty, makes this region an ideal place for their illegal practices.

Lack of Everything
Guinea-Bissau is a good example of an extremely violent state, where the drugs trade is flourishing at the highest levels of the land. Tom Blickman, from the Transnational Institute of Policy Studies in Amsterdam, points out the extreme weakness of the government: “In Guinea-Bissau there’s no means of keeping drugs trafficking under control. The police don’t have any cars. They don’t have any radios. They don’t have anything.”
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Guinea-Bissau Central Jail

In the last few years, the Mexican drugs cartels have conquered the international market. 90% of the drugs in the United States come into the country via Mexico. The Mexican drugs cartels, along with that of Colombia, together form an enormous criminal force that reaches far beyond the borders, even across oceans.

Corruption
In Mexico, neither the huge army nor the police are in any position to bring an end to the drugs gangs. Since 2008, drug-related violence has so far cost the lives of more than sixty thousand dead and fifteen thousand missing. The drugs trade is even infiltrated by individuals at the highest levels of the police and politics.

Mexico is an important through-route to the north from Colombia, Peru and Bolivia, but at the same time the quantity of marijuana and poppies has increased enormously. What particularly strikes researchers is the spectacular growth in the production of synthetic drugs.

Crossroads
Mexico has developed into the crossroads for drug trafficking, and that is feeding destabilization in the region, says Luis Astorga from the Independent National University of Mexico. “This position that Central America has taken up in the cocaine route, is becoming increasingly important. Every success by Colombia or Mexico in the fight against drugs has immediate negative consequences in the Caribbean and Central America, where the governments are weaker.”

The fight against worldwide drugs trafficking is a major challenge for the international community, maybe even greater than the fight against international terrorism. Drugs’ trafficking brings democracies to their knees, and destabilizes not only countries, but whole regions.

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Pura Calma Rehab Africa Project

Get Involved, Make A Difference
West Africa has only recently experienced an increase in the domestic consumption of narcotics among its populations. However according to UN statistics 37,000 people in Africa die annually from diseases associated with the consumption of illegal drugs. The UN estimates there are 28 million drug users in Africa, the figure for the United States and Canada is 32 million.

According to estimates forwarded by the United Nations, of the 35 tonnes of cocaine estimated to have reached West Africa in 2009, only 21 tonnes continued on to Europe, meaning the remainder was probably sold and consumed locally in Africa. There are an estimated 1.5 million of coke users in West AfricaThe UN agency said as much as 400 kilograms (880 pounds) of heroin have been consumed in West Africa in 2011 so far. More African youths are becoming addicted to hard drugs, while West Africa gradually transforms from a drug transportation region, to a drug consuming region to a drug producing one. 

Limited Rehab Centres In Africa
There are less than five drug rehabilitation centres in the whole of West Africa. Guinea-Bissau’s only drug-addiction clinic, Quinhámel mental-health centre. The centre is trying to cope with an explosion of crack addiction with no funds, no drugs and no trained staff. Thousands of people in Bissau's slums like Reno have become crack addicts. Prostitution has increased substantially consequently driving a new HIV/AIDS epidemic. 

When the population of a state is weakened or compromised by drug abuse, it has the potential of rendering the population insecure as “dependency, distress, poverty and crime sets in. If this trend continues unabated it ultimately leads to the disintegration and disruption of family and society relations and a country dependent on narco-trafficking causes the unravelling of its own population and the attached value system required for its survival and cohesion.

Sierra Leone One Psychiatrist For Six Million People
The only certified psychiatrist in Sierra Leone, Dr Nahim estimated that 80 percent of the patients he sees are suffering from "drug-induced psychotic disorders". 

As Dr Nahim's explains "In a poor country like Sierra Leone, medicines used to treat addiction, such as methadone, are expensive, he therefore employs the "cold turkey method", despite it often entailing painful withdrawal symptoms. "We restrain you physically," he said. "Then we give you very strong tranquillising drugs that will keep you asleep during that period, maybe for one or two days." This is drug rehab in West Africa.

The City of Rest Rehabilitation Centre at Fort Street in Freetown offers residential care for 40 people struggling with addiction problems and or mental illness. The centre seeks to bring spiritual, physical, and psychosocial/mental healing and restoration to lives that have been severely affected by substance abuse and or mental illness.  The City of rest which is the only rehabilitation centre for people with substance abuse disorders in Sierra Leone is partly supported by local charges and individuals.  People trying to beat addiction to drugs, are forced to go on a long waiting list to get a place in the City of Rest. West Africa is now the epicentre of an expanding cocaine trade, confronting an entirely new problem that threatens disaster for its fragile health, law enforcement and justice systems - a growing legion of home-grown addicts.

Warning Signals 
Intermediaries along West African smuggling routes are often paid in product. To turn expensive high-grade cocaine into a profit-making drug in one of the world's poorest regions, cartels are transforming the white powder into crack cocaine. In some cities, a dose of rock sells for as little as $0.20.

"The warning signals are there that this really is a problem that could run amok in years ahead if comparable resources aren't devoted to the human consumption side," said Alan Doss, a senior adviser at the Geneva-based Kofi Annan Foundation.

We only have to examine the experience of the American crack epidemic of 1984 to 1990 to get an idea of what the future may hold for West Africa. In 1985, cocaine-related hospital emergencies rose by 12 percent, from 23,500 to 26,300. By 1986 it had rocketed up 210 percent, from 26,300 to 55,200. Between 1984 and 1987, cocaine incidents increased to 94,000. In addition, late 1984 also saw an increase in fetal death rates and low birth-weight babies to mothers who were using crack cocaine. The crack epidemic is correlated with a sharp increase in crime on an unprecedented scale, especially violent crime. 

Between 1984 and 1994, the homicide rate for black males aged 14 to 17 more than doubled, and the homicide rate for black males aged 18 to 24 increased nearly as much. During this period, the black community also experienced an increase in fetal death rates, low birth-weight babies, weapons arrests, and the number of children in foster care.

Some contributors and readers of African Narco News are interested in establishing a Holistic Drug Rehab centre based in Dakar or Accra in West Africa.

Drug users constitute a large and growing proportion of the prison population. Drug users not only commit a substantial amount of crime, but as the frequency of drug use increases, the frequency of crime increases and the severity of crimes committed also increases.

The American Correctional Association notes that more than 95 percent of drug and alcohol offenders in the us will be discharged from prison, most without receiving any treatment. Because of the high association between drug abuse and recidivism, it is in the public interest to place offenders in the kinds of treatment programs that have been found effective. A noticeable reduction in drug use and criminality can occur with an alliance between the criminal justice system and drug abuse treatment.
Public expenditures for drug abuse treatment are wise and prudent investments. Research has shown that funds invested in drug treatment reduces future criminal justice costs for treated offenders.For every dollar spent for drug treatment, $11.54 is saved in social costs, including law enforcement costs, losses to victims, and government funds for health care.

We are looking to reach out to all health professionals, rehab professionals and anybody that would be willing to devote a little time and energy to help get The Pura Calma Africa Rehab Project rolling in the right direction.

Our goal is to establish a holistic rehab centre using 100% natural remedies and focusing on resources which are indigenous to Africa.
Pura Calma Africa Rehab
Our facility will offer a drug addiction treatment will include a Holistic approach to drug rehab programs, to go deeper offering an extensive, multi-faceted drug addiction treatment that treats the root of the problem rather than just the symptoms.

Our vision is to introduce to West Africa an effective programme which could then be duplicated all over the continent.
It would include:
he holistic programme would include:
Self-control training 
Social-skills training 
Community reinforcement 
Educational lectures and films
General counseling
Ibogaine Therapy
Psychotherapy and other milieu therapies
Yoga, Tai Chi, Guided Meditation
Acupuncture
Gender Specific Groups
Mind - Body - Spirit Program
Stress Management
Massage
Music Therapy
Nutrition and diet
Personal Training and Exercise 
Use of indigenous plants and Herbs
Holistic natural detox
Outpatient Treatment
Continuing Care / Aftercare

Contribute a word, an idea, your time or experience and help us make Pura Calma Africa Rehab a success for Africa.

Share with us wildharvestpharma@gmail.com

European Drug Use is Fueling Addiction in West Africa

There’s a disparity between the way we choose what we buy in stores, and what we buy on the streets. As a result, one of the world’s most deprived areas is being plunged further into violence crime and addiction.

Despite the world’s gaze being fixed on West Africa due to the Malian conflict,  the destruction of that part of the world by the increased flow of narcotics through the area is still not widely known. It’s not hard to understand why an area of ungovernable desert and underfunded governments is a fine breeding ground for cartels to operate. Couple that with the endemic poverty of countries such as Mali and Burkina Faso (where around half of the population live on less than $1.25 per day) and the supply of drug runners who will work for little remuneration is endless.

In the last ten years trafficking in the area has boomed. 13% of the world’s cocaine, with a street value of $15-$20 billion, now travels through the region -  roughly the same as the entire GDP of Mali or Guinea and twice that of Mauritania, some of the worst affected areas. Naturally, new gangs have formed from Guinea-Bisseau and Guinea right through to the north of the continent; to protect supply lines to the lucrative European market. As with all gangs, tales of organised brutality in the region – one all to familiar with violence – are beginning to surface. As with all drugs gangs, they target the vulnerable young.

For years, West African cocaine traffickers have worked as mules for Latin American drug cartels seeking to smuggle their powder to Europe. But now the mules are going independent — and muscling their former bosses out of some of the world’s most in-demand drug turf.

According to a report released this week by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, West African drug smugglers are playing a more direct role in trafficking the $1.25 billion worth of cocaine moving through the region every year. The West African cartels are now shipping cocaine by sea, a safer alternative for traffickers than high-risk smuggling on commercial planes, which can more easily be interdicted by police.

The African cartels are also cooking meth. According to the report, there’s now evidence of large-scale methamphetamine production in Nigeria, along with trafficking in the region growing rapidly since 2009. Ephedrine, an organic compound used in decongestants and a commonly-used precursor for meth, is loosely regulated in West Africa and hard to track.

The United Nations says the rate of consumption of illegal drugs in Africa is on the rise. Africa in terms of hard drugs has never been a continent for consumption, however that situation is rapidly changing. According to UN statistics 37,000 people in Africa die annually from diseases associated with the consumption of illegal drugs. The UN estimates there are 28 million drug users in Africa,there are an estimated 1.5 million of coke users in West Africa alone, the figure for the United States and Canada is 32 million and to make matters worse the 
region lacks drug-treatment centres.

More African youths are becoming addicted to hard drugs, while West Africa gradually transforms from a drug transportation region, to a drug consuming region and finally a drug producing one. According to the Washington Post, the transit route fulfills a cocaine market in Europe that has grown four fold in the past few years and reaches an amount almost equal to  the United States.

A growing amount of the drugs coming from Colombia, Venezuela and Brazil into West Africa are being consumed locally.  This is new, though not surprising:  low prices and high supply of cocaine, particularly around the main entry points in Guinea-Bissau and Guinea-Conakry cause havoc among a youth, already so distraught by so many problems. Its now certain that drug addiction is coming to Africa in a massaive wave.
European and U.S consumer markets are providing the demand for this trade. In the most recent British crime survey it has been revealed that cocaine use had more  than trebled among consumers. Up from 1.3% to 4.2% of the 16-24 demographic group were users during the period 2011/12. However, among  consumers there is little responsibility for the effects of their consumption.

The majority of consumers fall into two broad categories. Firstly, there are the apathetic and uninformed who either care little or know nothing of the harms of the trade. Secondly, and increasing in size, there are those who avert the blame; choosing instead to point to the criminal status of cocaine and shirking responsibility to policy makers. They miss the point. Even if it were decriminalised in Europe, it would still be illegal in the more socially conservative African west. It would still cause just as much harm.

The current problems only tell half the story. The reason the focus of this piece is West Africa and not Latin America is poverty. The impoverished nature of West Africa means that governments have few resources to fight what are increasingly well-armed and well-funded drugs gangs. Much of South and Central America is mired in conflict arising from the cocaine trade. The huge demand for Drugs in Europe and the U.S is creating a legion of home grown crack addicts and dire social problems.

However, the relatively wealthier nature of the states means that living standards are not as adversely affected despite the all too frequent incidences of brutality. Guinea and Guinea-Bissau which are the main port countries for cocaine arriving from South America are among the world’s poorest countries. Money being spent combating drugs gangs is money desperately needed for infrastructural and education spending.

The situation in Mali is dire. Fuelled by demand from Europe, cocaine trafficking is rampant in the Saharan state. Its ungovernable desert borders to the north make for safe routes for cartels to access North Africa and beyond. Its southern-based central government lacks the capability to mount any sort of response to the vast organised criminal gangs. Factor into this already bleak picture the current conflict that is creating uncertainty and harming investment opportunities, and living standards are plummeting.
The notion that we ought not to buy things produced or transported by dubious means has been around for centuries. From the boycotts of sugar picked by slaves in the late eighteenth century, to more modern practices such as the refusal to buy products made in sweatshops, or those that have been tested on animals. People have often been the standard bearers for conscientious consumption. There is however one outlier. Worryingly, many who wouldn't dream of lining their coats with fur all to keenly line their nostrils with cocaine, one of the most damaging industries. One that is destabilising a part of the world which can ill-afford it.


Get Involved, Make A Difference
Our Pura Calma Africa Rehab
Our facility will offer a drug addiction treatment will be a Holistic approach to drug rehab programmes, to go deeper offering an extensive, multi-faceted drug addiction treatment that treats the root of the problem rather than just the symptoms.

We are looking to reach out to all health professionals, rehab professionals and anybody that would be willing to devote a little time and energy to help The Pura Calma Africa Rehab Project become a reality.

Contribute a word, an idea, your time or experience and help us make Pura Calma Africa Rehab a success for Africa.

Share with us wildharvestpharma@gmail.com

Accra Connection


Last April, thousands of miles from Baltimore in the West African country of Ghana, a man known as “Wagba” got on the phone and mediated a Baltimore heroin-dealing dispute.

Nana Boateng, who supplied Baltimore dealers with heroin shipped under Wagba’s direction by couriers traveling to the United States on commercial flights leaving West Africa, was in a heated argument with another Ghanaian, Krist Koranteng, who also supplied Baltimore heroin dealers with courier-carried heroin from West Africa.

The two were threatening one another, with Koranteng saying he’d arrange for men to come from Ghana to kill Boateng if he didn’t pay up for short-changing Koranteng’s friend, Moses Appram, on a 200-gram heroin deal. Boateng, in response, vowed to come to Ghana and kill Koranteng himself.

Since Boateng’s phones were wiretapped as part of a U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) investigation, his conversations with Wagba were recorded for posterity. As a result of the probe, Boateng, Koranteng, Appram, and three others were indicted last year in Maryland federal court for participating in a heroin conspiracy. All of them pleaded guilty except Appram, whose three-day trial in Baltimore’s federal courthouse ended on May 2 with a jury conviction. Koranteng testified as a government cooperator, and Wagba’s name, as well as the recorded, translated, and transcribed phone conversations he had with Boateng, came up often during the trial.
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Baltimore

Ultimately, no one was killed or attacked as a result of the dispute, and Koranteng testified that he ended up taking the loss on Appram’s ill-fated deal with Boateng. But Wagba’s dealings with Boateng did not end there. In late May 2011, according to court documents, Wagba coordinated a courier shipment of heroin to Boateng, who waited for six hours at Washington Dulles International Airport as the courier, who was caught by law enforcers as she arrived with 3.3 kilograms of heroin in her luggage, was detained and questioned by authorities. At the agents’ direction, the courier called Wagba, who told her “someone would get back to her. Shortly thereafter, a call from Boateng was received” on the courier’s phone, the court documents state.

That a phantom, faraway figure like Wagba could play such an intimate role in Baltimore’s heroin trade, both by managing a street-level flap like Appram’s flimflamming at the hands of Boateng and by orchestrating a subsequent intercepted delivery, speaks volumes about how closely tied Baltimore’s heroin trade is to West Africa, even though the two are thousands of miles apart. And that Koranteng, who was in Ghana as he argued over the phone with Boateng, suggested he could send Ghanaian killers to do his dirty work in Baltimore further emphasizes how small a world the global heroin trade sometimes can be.

But when looked at from a broader perspective, the heroin trade involving West Africa can seem immense, complex, and highly geopolitical, since the region is considered by the United Nations, the United States and other countries, and an array of nongovernmental organizations to be currently one of the world’s foremost transshipment points for narcotics from Asia and Latin America.

The reason for this, DEA special agent Todd Edwards explained on the stand at Appram’s trial, is that it is “difficult” for producers to ship directly to the United States from the source countries—Afghanistan, Pakistan, Laos, Cambodia, Colombia, and Mexico—because “everyone knows” they are source countries, so law-enforcement scrutiny will be greater. Heroin producers, therefore, prefer to “go to other countries to have the heroin shipped to the U.S.,” Edwards continued, “and Africa is one of those places, and Ghana and Nigeria are two of the major ones.”

Thus, criminals in West Africa not only get lucrative narco-business serving the transportation needs of the world’s heroin producers; they may also become strategically important to the producer’s larger strategic agendas. And increasingly, the United States is presenting evidence that those agendas have turned West Africa into a key locale for terrorists’ drug-trafficking and money-laundering activities.

In 2009, the same year the DEA opened an office in Accra, Ghana, three al Qaeda-linked men from Maliwere arrested in Ghana and charged by U.S. authorities with drug trafficking in aid of terrorism—the first use of a new federal law passed in 2006. West African drug trafficking is also implicated in two other terror-financing cases filed recently in New York, one involving the Taliban and the other Hezbollah, a militant Muslim group and political party based in Lebanon that the United States and a handful of other Western and Middle Eastern countries regard as a terrorist group.

The Taliban case, filed in February 2011, accuses seven men, two of them U.S. citizens, of conspiring to help the Afghan religious movement’s heroin- and cocaine-trafficking enterprises and to sell weapons, including surface-to-air missiles, that the Taliban would use to protect its heroin-processing facilities in Afghanistan from attacks by U.S. forces. The lead co-conspirator, Maroun Saade, is described in the indictment as a “narcotics trafficker operating in West Africa” who agreed to transport “multi-ton shipments of Taliban-owned heroin” to Ghana, where “portions of those shipments would be sent by commercial airplane to the United States to be sold for the financial benefit of the Taliban.” Saade and the others allegedly believed they were dealing with the Taliban, but in fact they were dealing with confidential sources working on behalf of the DEA.

The other case is a civil forfeiture suit in which the U.S. government seeks to take ownership of the assets of businesses and banks involved in an alleged half-billion-dollar drug-money-laundering scheme to aid Hezbollah.

 
The central drug-trafficking figure accused in the Hezbollah case is Ayman Joumaa, a Lebanese man who is currently a fugitive from U.S. justice in a Virginia federal case charging him with bringing 85,000 kilograms of cocaine into the United States and laundering more than $850 million in Mexican drug-cartel money. Saade, from the Taliban case, also figures in this case, allegedly helping to move laundered cash derived from used-car sales in West Africa to Lebanon.

Though no prosecution brought so far in Maryland has drawn connections between Baltimore heroin dealers and West Africans tied to terrorism, the Hezbollah forfeiture case in New York includes two Maryland car dealers—one in Columbia, the other in Burtonsville, a small Montgomery County town of about 10,000 people, near Laurel—whose assets are being targeted for forfeiture because of evidence they helped launder Hezbollah drug money by accepting millions of dollars in wire transfers to buy cars and ship them to West Africa, where they were sold for cash bound for Lebanon.

In essence, the 65-page Hezbollah complaint describes an alleged scheme in which drug-derived cash was temporarily converted into cars. This would eliminate the risks of detection and headaches of shipping bulk cash back across the Atlantic Ocean to West Africa. Once the cars arrive there, though, they can quickly be converted back to cash—with a profit margin, given the higher prices the cars fetch in West Africa.

Both Appram and Koranteng were in the cars-to-West-Africa business, according to evidence in Appram’s trial. So were other co-conspirators who testified at Appram’s trial, as well as defendants in several other Maryland cases involving heroin from West Africa. In each instance, there is nothing to suggest the car-shipping enterprises were anything but legitimate. The coincidence is striking, however—especially in light of the fact that Appram and Koranteng are both residents of Burtonsville, where one of the car dealers with alleged Hezbollah ties is located.

Though heroin comes almost entirely from poppies grown in Asia and South America, as special agent Edwards explained during Appram’s trial, criminal trade routes of varying geography and sophistication convey it across the world. Judging by the Appram case, and numerous other recent cases in federal court here and in Virginia, law enforcers are mounting a sustained, multi-front assault on the West African route to Baltimore, especially through Ghana and Nigeria.

Commercial-air travelers entering the United States from West Africa as paid heroin couriers are a key element of the supply chain, court records show. With practice, so-called “internal smugglers” ingest “pellets”—finger-sized, egg-shaped packages of heroin—in seemingly impossible numbers. Adding to the flow are couriers who pack heroin not in their stomachs, but in their luggage, clothing, or wigs.

How much of this heroin smuggled from West Africa is bound for Baltimore’s streets is hard to say, but judging from the pace and scope of recent prosecutions, it’s significant. Here’s a chronological sampling:

Edward Aboagye, a Baltimore-based Ghanaian car dealer who exported vehicles to West Africa while enrolled as a student at Morgan State University, was charged in a heroin conspiracy, along with two others, after a half-kilogram of heroin in pellets was found in the safe of his hotel room at the Marriott Waterfront Hotel in downtown Baltimore on March 14, 2009. He pleaded guilty and testified against one of his co-conspirators, who was found guilty by a jury.

Two weeks later, Frank Aidoo, a Ghana-born Dutch citizen, was caught at Baltimore Washington International Airport (BWI) with 100 heroin pellets in his stomach; his business, according to court records, was buying clothing abroad to resell in Ghana. He pleaded guilty, but recently won an appeal of his sentence.

In January 2010, Suleiman Zakaria arrived at BWI on a flight that originated in Ghana, and three kilograms of heroin were found within the lining of his luggage. He was convicted at a jury trial after mounting a defense that included facts about his business: shipping used cars purchased in the United States to resell in Ghana.

In April 2011 in Virginia, eight people were indicted for a heroin-importation conspiracy that supplied Baltimore, along with other areas, with heroin that was brought by couriers from West Africa to the United States. Nearly all of the defendants have pleaded guilty.
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Daniel Redd Centre

In July 2011, Baltimore City Police officer Daniel Redd was among five indicted in a heroin conspiracy supplied from West Africa. One of the co-conspirators in the case, Abdul Zakaria, aka Tamim Mamah, is Suleiman Zakaria’s brother. He testified as a government cooperator at Appram’s trial, where, in explaining his work history, he said he “was buying cars and shipping them to Africa.” All five defendants in the Redd case have pleaded guilty.

Just after Christmas 2011, two men, Nana Bartels-Riverson and Awal Mohammad, were arrested on I-95 in Howard County after nearly a kilogram of heroin was found in the car they were driving. When interviewed by DEA agents, Mohammad explained that the heroin had come from Ghana via courier, and that they were taking it to Baltimore to sell to a dealer. Their case is still in court.

On Dec. 29, 2011, a wiretap investigation by DEA investigators targeting three alleged drug traffickers suspected of having couriers smuggle heroin into Maryland from Africa—Eddie Patrick, Kenneth Ukoh, and Chrisanti Ignass, who, court documents state, conducted heroin transactions at the InterContinental Harbor Court Hotel in Baltimore—culminated with an African courier in a Maryland hotel room, expelling what eventually turned out to be 80 heroin-filled condoms from his gastrointestinal tract. Their case is still in court.

In March, a Nigerian woman, Ngozi Helen Omokoh, and two Maryland men—David Shenard Merritte of Baltimore and Larry Deen Hutchinson of Prince George’s County—were charged after all three were found in a Maryland hotel room where Omokoh had delivered 725 grams of heroin pellets. Their case is still in court.

On May 3, after a 15-month wiretap investigation, the DEA arrested Joseph Osiomwan, a 51-year-old car dealer who lives in idyllic Monkton, near the posh Manor Tavern five-star restaurant, and owns Woodland Motors, a used-car dealership on Reisterstown Road in Baltimore City. He was arrested as he left an alleged stash house in Northeast Baltimore, and when the agents searched him, they found what they described in court documents as three “fingers” or “eggs” of heroin, commonly used for “heroin to be smuggled into the United States via an internal body carrier.”

One of the common themes running through the stories of the defendants in many of these West African-tied heroin cases in Maryland is that many of them are not solely drug dealers, but also pursue legitimate-looking enterprises—especially buying cars in the United States for resale in West Africa.

How illegitimate such enterprises allegedly can be is illustrated in the Taliban and Hezbollah cases filed in New York. In the absence of any such accusations involving West Africa’s heroin trade in Maryland, though, all the public can know is that people like Wagba in Ghana coordinate shipments of heroin to Baltimore and mediate street beefs—or perhaps settle them—from afar, and that the heroin couriers will continue to come, supplying Baltimore’s streets with heroin.

Brazil And Cracolandias


Brazilian health officials say an epidemic is taking hold — an outbreak of crack cocaine use nationwide, from the major cities on the coast to places deep in the Amazon.

It's an image at odds with the one Brazil wants to project as the country prepares to host soccer's World Cup in 2014 and the Summer Olympics two years later. But the problem has become too big to ignore.
The Luz district of central Sao Paulo was once grand, with its old train station and opulent buildings. Now, this neighborhood is known as Cracolandia — Crackland.

On a recent night, skeletal figures in tattered, dirty clothes emerge — mostly men, but some women. They're glassy eyed and jumpy, and looking for a quick fix, oblivious to the police helicopters overhead.
Brazil is dealing with what officials call a crack epidemic, affecting Brazilians of all ages and confounding government efforts to deal with it. Almost a year after a high-profile police effort to clean up Sao Paulo's cracolandia as part of a revitalization program for the historic center, the outposts remain, but in a number of shifting locations rather than one large one.
"I've seen no improvements and some things are getting worse," said William Damiao Quirino, who has been working as a doorman and security guard downtown for six years. "Trying to clean up this or that corner isn't working. The only thing I think can work is a concerted community effort, involving residents too, to try to get these people treatment."

Origins Of The Problem
Crack has been in Brazil since the 1990s, but its use exploded in the past six years, according to health and police officials. The reasons, they say, are proximity and porosity.
Brazil is a neighbor to the world's biggest cocaine-producing countries, and its borders are vast, remote and largely unguarded.
Eloisa Arruda, the secretary of justice for Sao Paulo state, says the market is alluring.

"Brazil offers a big market of cocaine and crack consumers," says Arruda. "And that's partly because people have more buying power."
She says the problem is similar to the crack crisis in the United States in the 1980s, when the drug engulfed cities and generated waves of violence. "It's a big growth of people using crack in public," Arruda says. "People permanently in the street consuming drugs day and night."

The Brazilian approach has been to treat the problem as a health care crisis. 
President Dilma Rousseff responded with a $2 billion drug prevention and treatment program.
In Sao Paulo, addicts are urged to seek help at Psychosocial Attention Centers — 80 clinics where addicts can receive a bed for the night.

Latin American DTOs Influence In Africa Grows

In early November 2009, a Boeing 727 crashed on take-off near the town of Tarkint in northern Mali, or so the initial reports indicated. Closer scrutiny of the crash revealed a web of connections that typify the ever-metastasizing menace of drug trafficking in Africa, both as a destination point and a transit route to Europe and North America.

The Boeing 727 found in northern Mali was registered in Guinea-Bissau but was operating with Nigerian crew under a leasing agreement in Venezuela. The same aircraft also operated regular flights between Colombia and Mali, with drugs as cargo. According to leaked U.S. embassy cables, high-ranking Malian authorities were involved in the episode and initially attempted to cover up the so-called “drug plane” incident.

The Tarkint affair brought to the fore the problem of drug trafficking in Africa, a phenomenon that if left unchecked poses serious challenges to state institutions in the region. The brazen nature in which the drug traffickers disposed of the plane is just as shocking as the fact that a section of the Malian security apparatus was implicated in the operation. 
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John Harun Mwau

Similar cases of state officials’ involvement in drug trafficking have been reported inKenya, Guinea-Bissau, and South Africa, among other African states. In Kenya, very senior members of the police force, a number of sitting members of parliament, and prominent business people have been implicated in the narcotics trade, with some of the suspected traffickers being blacklisted by the U.S. Treasury. The former commissioner of the South African Police Service, Jackie Selebi, was convicted of taking bribes from a drug smuggler. The list of African “narco-states” is getting longer, with potential for disastrous consequences.

To highlight the rapid rise of drug trafficking in the region, consider the fact that between 1998 and 2002, the amount of drugs seized across Africa averaged less than 1 metric ton annually. By 2006 this figure had shot up to about 16 metric tons per year.
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Jackie Selebi

The saturation of the North American cocaine market in the wake of the failed “war on drugs” has prompted Latin American traffickers to set their sights on the European market. To this end, West African states have proved to be useful transit points for moving their illicit cargo to Europe. Corruption, state incapacity, and outright state capture by drug cartels have all created safe passages, linking the European streets with the coca producing regions in Latin America. Nearly 60% of the cocaine consumed in Western Europe – with a street value of almost U.S. $18 billion – transits through West Africa. West African states implicated in the drug trade include Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria and Senegal.

Eastern Africa has not been spared from the menace of drug trafficking. A recent report from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) indicates that the region has emerged as a key transit point for drugs from South-west Asia and South Asia– with India, Iran, Myanmar, Pakistan, and Thailand being the major sources of heroin bound for European markets.  A quick survey of the U.S. Treasury’s list of foreign nationals suspected to be drug traffickers reveals several Kenyan passport holders with links to the Middle East and South Asia, an indicator of the growing importance of South and West Asia as sources of drugs. 
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Ambassador Olga Fonseca Gimenez. Fonseca

Latin American drug cartels have also tried to infiltrate the Eastern African transit route. Details of such operations were recently aired in the media when the new Venezuelan ambassador to Kenya was found strangled in Nairobi; some speculated it was because she questioned the use of diplomatic pouches (which are not subject to inspection at airports) to smuggle drugs from Venezuela.

Threats to State Capacity and International Security
The problem of drug trafficking in Africa is not merely a law enforcement concern. Firstly, it is a threat to the development and consolidation of important state institutions, especially the region’s judiciaries and security agencies. In many of the African states that have been cited as important transit destinations for drugs from Latin America and Asia, drug traffickers have managed to infiltrate vital state institutions. Important politicians, members of the judiciary, and key members of the security apparatus – both police and the military – have been their primary targets. As a result, the very institutions that have been charged with policing such illicit activities have been the ones that actively promoted and/or provided protection for drug traffickers. Ineluctably, the large amounts of drug money up for grabs have caused splits among ruling elites, sometimes resulting in bloody conflict, as has been the case in Guinea-Bissau since early 2009.

Secondly, drug trafficking is emerging as a threat to international security. Drug runners both in Western and Eastern Africa have been linked to terrorist groups operating in the Sahel and in the Horn. Drugs smuggling routes through the Sahara desert are an important revenue source for Islamist groups like Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). Following the Mali “drug plane” incident, UNODC Executive Director Antonio Maria Coasta linked the drug trade to, “’terrorists and anti-government forces,” in the Sahel, saying that the groups use drug money to fund their operations. In Eastern Africa, drug lords have been linked to similar groups in Somalia. Many of those blacklisted by the U.S. Treasury on suspicion of being drug traffickers have also been adversely mentioned as key financiers of East African terrorist groups like the Al-Shabaab in Somalia.

Over the last two and a half decades, state collapse in Africa was often associated with civil wars. Somalia, Sierra Leone, Liberia, and the Democratic Republic of Congo all imploded in the wake of peripheral insurgencies that overwhelmed already fragile nations lacking in state capacity.  In the last decade, however, drug trafficking has emerged as an equally formidable threat to state institutions in the region. Of concern is the fact that these threats are not limited to the poster children of civil unrest and state collapse, like Guinea-Bissau, Somalia, or Liberia. Drug traffickers have infiltrated key institutions even in comparatively strong and stable states like Kenya and South Africa. As is the case in Latin America, violence and organized crime have often accompanied the flow of drugs. If “conflict resources” defined the African civil wars of the 1990s, “conflict drugs” might yet emerge as a new source of intra-elite squabbles and conflict.
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General Batista Tagme Na Waie

Guinea-Bissau is an illustrative case. On March 1, 2009 both the army chief,General Batista Tagme Na Waie, and President Joao Bernardo Vieira were killed as a result of what many suspected to be a drug-related feud. General Na Waie died in an explosion at the army headquarters while the president was shot hours later as he tried to flee the presidential palace. In the previous year’s general elections, opposition leader Kumba Yala had publicly called President Vieira the country’s, “biggest drug dealer.” Guinea-Bissau has not seen stability since. A string of coups, the last one in April of 2012, motivated by both political rivalry and competition for rents from the drug trade have defined Bissauan politics since.6 Drug traffickers have captured large segments of the Bissauan state security apparatus. Uninhabited islands off the coast of the country are routinely used as landing grounds for drugs from Latin America before shipment to Europe either by sea or through the Sahara desert.

Will Africa Become the Next Central America?
The globalization of terrorism over the last decade has created a situation in which the number one threat to international security is no longer strong, conquering states, but failing ones that provide safe havens for terrorist organizations. Drug trafficking in Africa reflects the heart of this concern. The illicit trade is both contributing to the deterioration of state institutions– which could result in state collapse – and financing terrorist groups like AQIM and Al-Shabaab. 
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Drug Wars
So far the international community has not treated the matter with the urgency it deserves. The consequences of inaction will be dire, as has already been seen in Central America. The region’s misfortune of being an important transit route between South American cocaine production centres and North American consumers has resulted in the highest murder rates in the world, fuelled by transnational organized crime and drug trafficking. The statistics are astonishing: Among 20-year old men in some Central American countries, 1 in 50 will be murdered before they are 32. Africa, a region already replete with weak states, might be next if drug trafficking on the continent continues to grow.

Cocaine Routes Are Wreaking Havoc In West Africa

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Adeolu Ogunrombi 
At the end of June, the United Nations held its yearly International Day against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking. Yury Fedotov, head of the UN's drugs crime office, marked the occasion with a speech. The Illegal highs market is still booming and the planet's governments are still losing the War On Drugs.

However, Fedotov did make an interesting point about the emerging cocaine market in (mainly Western) Africa. “In Africa, [cocaine] consumption appears to be growing,” he announced, before asserting – worryingly – that this noted increase in “drug trade and organised crime is fuelling economic and political instability in Africa”. 

The heavy policing on traditional cocaine routes from South America has caused the smugglers to pivot and instead use countries like Ghana and Nigeria to get their product through to European customers.

Adeolu Ogunrombi is currently the Project Coordinator of Youth RISE Nigeria and West African Countries, an initiative which focuses on advocacy, capacity building and research on drug policy reform with a special focus on young people. He has an extensive background in public health and human rights practices. 

He has been at the forefront of the debate on drug policy reform in Africa. He has authored and presented scientific papers in many international conferences on issues bordering on HIV/AIDS, drug policy, harm reduction and young people. He was nominated among the 100 global Youth Leaders by Women Deliver in 2010.


Interview with Adeolu Ogunrombi from the West African Commission On Drugs

So, Adeolu. Where does all this cocaine come from?
Adeolu Ogunrombi: The cocaine comes from Latin America, over the Atlantic and through West Africa towards its intended customers in Europe.

Okay. And is this really a new smuggling route?
The West African route has been exploited for a long time, but what we've witnessed in the last decade is an increase in the volume of the drug passing through the region as transnational drug cartels collaborate with local criminal and smuggling networks, corrupt officials and terrorists to transport their goods to Europe and North America. The traditional routes are being policed more heavily, so the traffickers find alternatives. 

Is this having any knock-on effect on the use of cocaine in the area?
Yes, the consumption of cocaine and other hard drugs in the area is increasing. This affects most of the countries within the region, from Mali to Cape Verde,Nigeriato Sierra-Leone and Ghana toGuinea-Bissau. The 2013 World Drug Report showed Nigeria topping the list of hard drug consumers in Africa, with a very high level of cocaine use.

And that increase is definitely because of the trafficking? You're saying that there are "spill-over" markets?
Yes. As the drugs are trafficked through the countries, some of the product inevitably finds its way into the local supply. According to the UNODC, about 30 percent of trafficked drugs are consumed locally. Because of the increase in availability, the drugs are becoming more affordable and accessible. For example, a hit of crack cocaine is about $2 or $3 – a price much more suited to the area.

This has created all sorts of problems, including an increase in the number of people who are addicted and the number of injecting drug users. Young people are increasingly being affected, too.

If you’ve got people injecting drugs, you’re going to have a problem with the spread of HIV and AIDS through dirty needles. Do you feel that West Africa has the facilities to deal with any increase in addicts caused by these new trafficking routes?
That’s a big challenge at the moment, because the infrastructure isn't there and harm reduction services are next to non-existent. Law enforcement within the region still embraces a punitive approach. There was a recent case in Ghana, which was also reported in the print media, of a young man who was caught smoking marijuana. Police shot him dead during their efforts to arrest him.

Who's doing the trafficking?
I can’t really give you a list of all the people involved, but we've had reported cases of people from Colombia, Bolivia and Brazil. Cartels from these countries then meet local contacts in the West African countries who know the area.
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Mexico Cartels
If you look at all of the violence in Mexico – the drug cartels fighting among themselves, civilians getting hurt and killed and the political process being undermined – do you worry about that happening in West Africa?
Of course. You can look at the situation in Latin America as guidance; everyone is fighting for control of the region, and competing for powerful positions because of the huge amount of money they get from the trade. Such a situation may arise in West Africa as well if the necessary measures aren't put in place. Bear in mind, too, that the value of the cocaine passing through the region is far higher than the national budgets of some of the transit countries themselves.

Do you, like Yury Fedotov, think organisations such as yours need more funding?
Definitely. But it’s not just that. While many people allude to the growing challenge of drug trafficking and consumption within the region, it is yet to be one of the main agendas of many governments and institutions within West Africa. Not many people know about the gravity of the situation; how it is undermining security, governance and development as a whole – no one is talking about it.

So you need money to raise awareness?
Yes, and the right approach to drug control in general. At the moment we stick with the traditional tactic, the indicators of which are the number of arrests, the number of drug seizures, etc. Whereas our progress should be measured by the number of people in need of drug treatment who are able to access it without fear of arrest or coercion; the number of new cases of drug-related HIV being averted – things to do with health rather than crime.

So it’s not the drugs that are the main concern, it's the laws that are triggering worse problems?
I'd say so, yes. The laws themselves are what are causing problems all over the world. When you’re driving the drug user population underground by making their habit illegal and putting the trade completely in the hands of criminal groups, the social harms produced are much greater than the harms of the drugs themselves.

Russian Africa Connection

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 Konstantin Yaroshenko

The alleged accomplice of Russian pilot Konstantin Yaroshenko, who was sentenced to 20 years in prison for attempted drugs trafficking in the United States, has pleaded guilty in a New York court.

Marcel Acevedo Sarmiento, accomplice to Russian pilot Konstantin Yaroshenko whose 20-year drug trafficking sentence by an American court in 2011 bolstered a diplomatic row between Russia and America, was sentenced to 12 years in prison in a US federal court  for conspiracy to import cocaine to the US.

According to the US Attorney’s statement, “Through a combination of privately owned aircraft and maritime vessels, these organizations, predominantly based in Colombia and Venezuela, have transported hundreds of tons of cocaine, worth billions of dollars, to West African countries including Liberia.”

Acavedo was caught up in a conspiracy to fly 4,000 kilograms of cocaine, worth upwards of $100 million to Monrovia, Liberia. The 48-year-old Colombian supplier formerly had the capacity to transport enormous quantities of cocaine to West Africa for distribution to Europe and beyond.

Earlier, the U.S. authorities reported the arrest of another suspect in the case, Jorge Ivan Salazar Castano, who was also awaiting extradition from Spain.

Sarmiento and Castano were charged alongside Yaroshenko and other alleged criminals.

The U.S. Attorney's Office maintained that Yaroshenko agreed to transport four tonnes of cocaine from South America to Africa and then onwards to the United States. He arrived to Liberia in May 2010, allegedly to discuss the cost of his services with his Colombian partners.
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$4.5 million per trip

Yaroshenko was offered $4.5 million for trafficking the cocaine from Venezuela to Liberia and another $1.8 million for trafficking drugs to Nigeria and then to Ghana. From Ghana, part of the drugs were to be transferred to the United States.

Yaroshenko was arrested together with Chigbo Peter Umeh in Liberia in May 2010. They were soon extradited to the United States. Umeh was sentenced to 30 years in prison on July 28, while Yaroshenko was given 20 years behind bars.

Umeh, 42, who is from Nigeria, was a broker who assisted various international narcotics suppliers in shipping numerous tons of cocaine from South America to West Africa, from where the cocaine was transported to Europe or elsewhere within Africa. Salazar Castano, 44, who is from Colombia, was a cocaine supplier based in Colombia and Spain, who, together with his co-conspirators, sent large commercial aircraft containing cocaine from South America to West Africa, as well as smaller, private airplanes that departed from clandestine airstrips in Venezuela. Yaroshenko, 41, who is from Russia, was an aircraft pilot and aviation transport expert who transported thousand-kilogram quantities of cocaine throughout South America, Africa, and Europe.

Since in or about 2007, they have attempted to bribe high-level officials in the Liberian Government in order to protect shipments of vast quantities of cocaine, and to use Liberia as a trans-shipment point for further distribution of the cocaine in Africa and Europe. In particular, they met with two individuals they knew to be Liberian government officials -- the Director and Deputy Director of the Republic of Liberia National Security Agency ("RLNSA"), both of whom (unbeknownst to them) in fact were working jointly with the DEA in an undercover capacity ("UC-1" and "UC-2", respectively).

In seeking to ensure the safe passage of their cocaine shipments, they agreed to make payments to the Director and the Deputy Director of the RLNSA in cash and also in the form of cocaine. The CS advised the defendants that a portion of the cocaine paid to the CS would be transported from Liberia to Ghana, from where it would be imported into New York. They participated in a series of face-to-face meetings, phone conversations, and telephone calls with the cooperating Liberian officials and the CS in connection with at least three different shipments of cocaine that they were trying to transport through Liberia: 
(1) a shipment of approximately 4,000 kilograms, which was to be flown from Venezuela to Monrovia, Liberia, and the retail value of which was over $100 million; 
(2) a shipment of approximately 1,500 kilograms, which was to be flown from Venezuela to Monrovia, Liberia, on an aircraft originating in Panama; 
(3) a shipment of approximately 500 kilograms of cocaine, which was to be transported by a ship from Venezuela to a location off the coast of Liberia. Through these meetings, the defendants all understood that once the cocaine was transported to Liberia, a portion of the shipment (representing the payment to the CS) would be transported into Ghana, from where it would be placed on a commercial flight destined for the United States.
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Gabril Kamara

Sierra Leone Connection
Since at least in or about 2007, Gabril Kamara, 40, who is from Sierra Leone, has actively sought to recruit South American drug trafficking organizations to establish operations in various West African countries, including in Liberia, Guinea Conakry, Guinea Bissau, Sierra Leone, and Nigeria. Kamara has made efforts to corrupt and influence Government officials within the West African region in order to establish safe havens for the receipt, storage, and trans-shipment of thousands of kilograms of cocaine. Jalloh, 33, and Sesay, both of whom are also from Sierra Leone, have assisted Kamara with his drug distribution enterprise and with his efforts to corrupt public officials for the benefit of South American drug trafficking organizations.

Kamara, Jalloh  and Sesay exchanged a series of emails and telephone calls and held numerous meetings with the CS, the cooperating Liberian officials, and a third Liberian government official who was also working jointly with the DEA in an undercover capacity ("UC-3"), in order to negotiate prices and make specific arrangements for the secure transportation of cocaine from South America through Liberia, including, but not limited to, a 4,000 kilogram shipment of cocaine from Colombia. The CS, who was introduced as UC-1's "partner" and confidante, was present for many of these meetings. In the course of these meetings, the defendants understood that the CS, who was to be paid by the defendants in the form of cocaine, was going to send a portion of his share of the cocaine to Ghana, from where it would be imported into New York aboard commercial flights.
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Lansana Conteh

It is believed that Gibril Kamara and a few powerful politicians in Sierra Leone, were allegedly knee deep in the cocaine trade in Sierra Leone, until a plane shipment went afoul in 2008. Gibril was reportedly tipped off by some people in power to escape to Guinea. Some government officials were complicit in his escape and the late Lansana Conteh’s conteh girlfriend was en route to Conakry with a convoy of three luxury SUV vehicles filled with foreign currency and precious metals. The convoy was reportedly stopped at the border and searched; however, word came from Freetown to release the convoy as the late President had threatened force if the said convoy was not released. Later, according to wikileaks the US Cable the scenario was a hoax as it was Gibril Kamara who was been smuggled out of the country. In Liberia, Mr. Gibrill Kamara was rounded up by a group of DEA officials in collaboration with Liberian Security Agents and was whisked to the United States of America-New York where he was detained for trial. 

Colombia and Venezuela Connection
Acevedo is an alleged cocaine supplier based in Colombia and Venezuela, who was capable of transporting thousand-kilogram quantities of cocaine from South America to various locations in West Africa, for distribution within Africa and for further distribution to Europe and elsewhere. Acevedo worked in the international drug business with other members of the conspiracy charged in the Indictment, including in connection with a 4,000 kilogram shipment of
cocaine which was to be flown from Venezuela to Monrovia, Liberia, for a retail value of over $100 million.

In a series of recorded telephone conversations with a confidential source working for the DEA ("the CS"), Acevedo, who claimed to have been involved in the cocaine trafficking business for over 20 years, coordinated efforts to arrange what was ultimately supposed to be a shipment of between 2,000 and 2,500 kilograms of cocaine on a plane from Venezuela to Liberia. Acevedo confirmed to the CS that the cocaine shipment had been protected by the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (the "FARC"), an international terrorist group dedicated to the violent overthrow of the democratically elected Government of Colombia.

On May 29, 2010, Acevedo indicated that Venezuelanauthorities had seized his plane as well as the cocaine that it contained, and had directed him to leave the country. After apprising the CS of the seizure, Acevedo invited the CS to invest 500 kilograms in a new shipment out of Bolivia, which Acevedo understood the CS intended to import into New York. ACEVEDO instructed the CS to wire transfer a $100,000 payment to him, and provided the CS with the relevant bank account information for the transfer.

Acevedo is charged with one count of conspiracy to distribute and possess with intent to distribute cocaine, knowing and intending that the cocaine would be imported into the United States.Image may be NSFW.
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BullionVault

Nigerian Drug Cartels

Nigeria’s rates of drug use and dependency are astronomical, and they have one of the most powerful cartels in the world.  Because of this problem, drug-related crime rates are also out of control - so bad they even spill over into the bordering nations of Chad, Niger, Benin, and Cameroon.  In fact, Nigeria’s drug syndicates have grown so influential that the national government is nearly powerless to stop them.  A cycle has been created wherein the cartels gain power, and the already-impotent government loses even more of its ability to change the situation.  

As is often the case with impotent governments, Nigeria’s politicians, law enforcement 
agencies, and infrastructure are often controlled by the leaders of the drug cartels. Nigerian cartels have gained immense power over the last thirty years in particular, and they are now estimated to possess half of the world’s illegal heroin. 

This shows what a global power they have become; heroin must be transported from Middle Eastern countries across Europe to get to West Africa.  The African Drug Cartels have representatives in almost every nation who help to control their sourcing and distribution operations. Because of the global nature of this issue, Nigeria’s government has had to shift its focus from actually stopping and eradicating the cartels - to merely attempting to control them.

Nigeria has a dismal reputation among international drug- control agencies. It is one of only four nations to have been blacklisted by the US for not co-operating in the worldwide fight against drugs: theothers are Burma, Syria and Iran. For years Nigeria has been known as a transit point for drugs entering the US and Europe.

Now, it would seem, Nigerians are extending their role in the world drug trade. No longer, anti
drug agencies say, are they simply facilitating the passage of drugs through their country or acting as couriers. They are now heavily involved in trafficking and distribution.

Their range is extensive. It is estimated that 40 per cent of heroin entering the US is smuggled in by Nigerian drug-rings. Nigerians are said to control 80 per cent of drug distribution in Atlanta and several other cities with large black populations. They are also said to be taking control of drug distribution in many parts of England, especially in the north-west.
One foreign drugs expert based in Lagos says that Nigerian operators are taking on the 
cartels in Colombia, Brazil and Turkey."Nigerians now have the worst reputation for drug-trafficking of any nationality worldwide," says Antonio Mazzitelli of the United Nations International Drug Control Programme (UNDCP). "The Nigerians are business people and they're very good at it. Before they were content to be employed; now they're employers themselves. They buy directly from a producer in Latin America, ship directly to the UK and sell it on the streets."

What makes it particularly difficult to break up the Nigerian drug-rings is their flexible 
structure: a trafficker can work for one drug baron one week, then switch to another "firm" the following week.

The web of ethnic ties which binds this loosely connected fraternity is well-nigh impenetrable from the outside. "Trying to stamp out Nigerian drug-trafficking", Mr Mazzitelli says, "is like trying to make a piece of jelly stick to the wall." Despite the military government's appalling record on instituting reforms, the Nigerian authorities appear to take the drug issue seriously. Already Nigeria has lost millions of dollars of American aid because of the blacklisting. Two years ago the NDLEA, known to be riddled with corruption, was shaken up. Earlier this year it was granted extra powers, enabling it to investigate and seize bank accounts suspected of holding laundered drug money.

International drug-control experts do not believe there is evidence of direct involvement in the trade by the military.Corruption, however, is endemic in Nigerian society, and co-operation between political figures and African drug cartels cannot be ruled out.

An investigation by Sahara Reporters has revealed what one insider called an increasing 
boom in Nigeria’s hard drug business, with serious lapses in the prosecution of suspects. “It is well known that a cartel operates within the courts, the prisons and at the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency to assist drug convicts to evade jail terms.The crisis was dramatized when Justice Ibrahim N. Buba of the Federal High Court, Lagos, assumed duties in 2012. The judge was shocked to discover that more than one hundred accused drug carte member granted bail on liberal terms by Justice Liman had jumped bail. The investigation revealed that the situation was the same in several other courts.
The latest tactics by these big shot drug dealers is to contract special defence lawyers to handle their cases,” said another source within the judiciary. He added: “These big name lawyers know the judges who are favourable and those that are tough. They then use dubious court officials to manipulate and make sure that their client’s case is assigned to favourable court.” Nigerian organized drug trafficking syndicates started spreading throughout Asia in 
the late 1980s to early 1990s. Thailand became their base for obtaining heroin and then 
smuggling it to other Asian countries, like Hong Kong or Taiwan, and then onward to the U.S 
and Europe. As the Nigerian organized crime groups grew in reputation and sophistication, professional Nigerian traffickers began being noticed and recruited by drug cartels in South America, Columbia in particular, and a few parts of Europe.

Nigerian drug cartels often employ the multiple courier method to transmit drugs transnationally. Using this method, the couriers hired by top Nigerian drug dealers usually obtain the illegal package in Bangkok. From Bangkok, the courier will smuggle the drugs on a flight to what is deemed a “transit” country. In the transit country, the illegal package will be handed to a different courier. The second courier will then fly to another “transit” country immediately preceding entry into the final destination and handover the drugs to a third courier, who will smuggle the drugs into the United States or Europe. Additionally, it is not uncommon for Nigerians at the top of the drug chain to be individuals of “privilege and influence;” a Nigerian ex-Senator and a former official of the Nigerian Drug Law Enforcement Agency being examples.   

Nigerians now make up one of the largest communities of Africans living both legally and illegally in Thailand. In 2009, they ranked number seven on a list of the top ten  nationalities incarcerated in Thailand.   In 2011 there were reportedly an estimated 700 Nigerians in Thai prisons, not counting more that had died while detained in Thailand or had been imprisoned in Thailand before being extradited back to Nigeria. 

Meth Labs
After years of test running, importation and distribution Nigerian, drug cartels have changed their strategy: they now produce locally, illicit hard drugs. In one of the production facilities, three Bolivians— Yhugo Chavez Morena, 39; Ruben Ticona Jorge, 21, and Yerko Artunduga Dorodu, 19 — were also sheltered in Satellite Town, Lagos to produce hard drugs believed to be distributed in Nigeria and also destined for export to Europe, Asia and America.

A suspected Nigerian cartel lieutenant who lives in his sprawling villa in Lagos had brought in the three Bolivians to help him in the local production of the highly dangerous shabu. He found a three-bedroom bungalow, which he rented for two years, Bolivians were first brought with an Argentine into the bungalow. Later, the Argentine was replaced with another Bolivian. Thus began a silent and aggressive production of shabu from Lagos.

U.S.
Federal prosecutors believe they have scored the largest-ever heroin bust in Ohio. The elaborate distribution ring, which acquired heroin from Nigeria, Mexico and Colombia, stored the powdery drug in so-called stash houses that were peppered around Cleveland and two eastern suburbs.

Police seized at least 44 pounds of heroin, which they packaged in plastic evidence bags and displayed during a Tuesday news conference at Cleveland police headquarters.They also grabbed $1.8 million in cash and a number of vehicles from the ring, including a Mercedes Benz, two BMWs, a Cadillac Escalade, a Lexus and a Harley-Davidson. According to police, one of the main suppliers of the drug ring was Christopher Ugochukwu, also known as Shaka Zulu,Ugochukwu had his heroin smuggled in from Nigeria, Baeppler said. She believes women would ingest the heroin before flying to various U.S. cities.

Europe 
Spanish authorities have busted a Nigerian drug cartel, which specialized in smuggling  cocaine and other drugs into Spain as well as other European countries.

Spanish police say they have nabbed 15 members of the cartel for their role in smuggling drugs from the Latin America and Africa.
The police said they seized about 18 pounds of cocaine and 17,000 euros in cash as part of their investigation, which started in September 2011.

According to a statement, the police disclosed that the group had its base in the Madrid suburb of Alcala de Henares and they used drug mules who ingest pellets filled with drugs to avoid detection at airports. The statement added that majority of those arrested were Nigerian citizens and they have been part of those detained since the operation started in October 2011.

East Africa
A vicious turf war for control of the drug trade in Kenya has led to multiple deaths in the last six months and the arrest of 17 suspected dealers as the rival gangs snitch on each other. CID director Ndegwa Muhoro said this week that the ongoing arrests are part of a crackdown on drug traffickers using Kenya as a transit point for drugs headed to Europe from the Far East and Middle East.The central figure is Nigerian Anthony Chinedu who was released on bail on April 24 after he denied having drug-making equipment at his Kileleshwa home. Three of the 17 people arrested so far are Oluwatosin Adebiyi alias Fatai, Nelson Namuyu Mwangi and Anthony Arinze Akpa who are allegedly Chinedu associates. 

Fatai, who claims to be a businessman, has been in Kenya since 1994. He has two Nigerian passports and is married to a Kenyan woman. Previously living in Karen before moving to Langata Phenom estate next to West Park police quarters, Fatai is described by police as a “fraudster and drug trafficker” suspected of dealing drugs in Nairobi and Mombasa. Fatai is a close associate of Mama Leila, one of two Kenyans, along with former Kilome MP Harun Mwau, who were blacklisted in June 2010 by US President Barack Obama for being narcotics drug kingpins. Their assets in the US have been frozen. 

Anthony Arinze Akpa, another Chinedu associate, operates from the North Coast and was arrested at Mtwapa. A search conducted at his Nyali home uncovered cocaine, a weighing scale, and plastic sachets used to pack drugs. Nelson Namunyu Mwangi, a resident of Embakasi, is allegedly a dealer for the Chinedu-Fatai cartel.

Haiti’s Cocaine Coup and the CIA Connection

It was a day before the scheduled return of Haiti’s exiled president Jean Betrand Aristide, and it was clear that the October 30, 1993 deadline for a return to democratic rule in the western hemisphere’s poorest nation could not occur. Aristide, a Roman Catholic priest who had been elected nearly three years before with 70 percent of the vote in Haiti’s first free election, was speaking to a packed session of the United Nations General Assembly.

In a dramatic move, Aristide told the diplomats that the military government of Haiti had to yield the power that was to end Haiti’s role in the drug trade, a trade financed by Colombia’s Cali cartel, that had exploded in the months following the coup. Aristide told the UN that each year Haiti is the transit point for nearly 50 tons of cocaine worth more than a billion dollars, providing Haiti’s military rulers with $200 million in profits.

Aristide’s electrifying accusations opened the floodgate of even more sinister revelations. Massachusetts senator John Kerry heads a subcommittee concerned with international terrorism and drug trafficking that turned up collusion between the CIA and drug traffickers during the late 1980s’ Iran Contra hearings.

Kerry had developed detailed information on drug trafficking by Haiti’s military rulers that led to the indictment in Miami in 1988, of Lt. Col. Jean Paul. The indictment was a major embarrassment to the Haitian military, especially since Paul defiantly refused to surrender to U.S. authorities. It was just a month before thousands of U.S. troops invaded Panama and arrested Manuel Noriega who, like Col. Paul, was also under indictment for drug trafficking in Florida.

In November 1989, Col. Paul was found dead after he consumed a traditional Haitian good will gift—a bowel of pumpkin soup. Haitian officials accused Paul’s wife of the murder, apparently because she had been cheated out of her share of a cocaine deal by associates of her husband, who were involved in smuggling through Miami.

The U.S. senate also heard testimony in 1988 that then interior minister, Gen. Williams Regala, and his DEA liaison officer, protected and supervised cocaine shipments. The testimony also charged the then Haitian military commander Gen. Henry Namphy with accepting bribes from Colombian traffickers in return for landing rights in the mid 1980’s.

It was in 1989 that yet another military coup brought Lt. Gen. Prosper Avril to power. Under U.S. pressure Avril, the former finance chief under the 30-year Duvalier family dictatorship, fired 140 officers suspected of drug trafficking. Avril, who is currently living in Miami, is being sued by six Haitians, including Port-au-Prince mayor Evans Paul, who claim they were abducted and tortured by the Haitian military under Avril’s orders in November 1989. According to a witness before Senator John Kerry’s subcommittee, Avril is in fact a major player in Haiti’s role as a transit point in the cocaine trade.
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 Gen. Williams Regala

Four years later, on the eve of Aristide’s negotiated return as Haiti’s elected president, a summary of a confidential report prepared for Congress and leaked to the media says that corruption levels within the (Haitian military-run) narcotics service are substantial enough to hamper any significant investigation attempting to dismantle a Colombian organization in Haiti. The report says that more than 1,000 Colombians live in Haiti using forged passports of the neighbouring Dominican Republic. The Dominican Republic leader Joaquin Balaguer opposes the UN blockade of Haiti, and maintains close ties with the Haitian military. The road connecting Port-au-Prince with the border town of Jimini in the Dominican Republic is the only well paved route in Haiti, and serves as the lifeline for the regime. Despite the embargo and U.S. naval blockade of Haiti, the road to the Dominican Republic has become not only the route for oil tanker trucks breaking the embargo, but the major route for cocaine shipments as well.

Fernando Burgos Martinez, a Colombian national with major business interests in Haiti, has been named in congressional records as a major cocaine trafficker, brazen enough to do business with other Colombian drug dealers on his home telephone. One DEA source says both the U.S. embassy and Haitian government have been pressed unsuccessfully to authorize wiretaps, despite DEA allegations that Martinez has been involved in every major drug shipment to Haiti since 1987.

The Kerry report claims Martinez is the bag man for Colombia’s cocaine cartels, and supervises bribes paid to the Haitian military. According to Miami attorney John Mattes, who is defending a Cuban-American drug trafficker cooperating with U.S. prosecutors, Martinez was paid $30,000 to bribe Haitian authorities into releasing two drug pilots jailed in Haiti after the engine in their plane conked out, forcing them to land in Port-au-Prince.

Martinez claims innocence from his lavish home in Petionville, an ornate suburb where Haiti’s ruling class live, overlooking the slums of the capital. He runs the casino at the plush El Rancho Hotel, that prior to the embargo realized nearly $50 million in business each week, a cash flow adequate to conceal a major money laundering operation.
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El Rancho Hotel

But the most disturbing allegations have been of the role played by the CIA in keeping many of the coup leaders on the agency’s payroll, as part of an anti-drug intelligence unit set up by the U.S. in Haiti in 1986. Many of these same military men have had their U.S. assets frozen, and are prevented from entering this country because of their role in overthrowing Aristide, and subsequent human rights violations, including torture and murders of political opponents, raising the question—was the U.S. involved in a cocaine coup that overthrew Aristide?

War on Drugs and Human Rights Violations
When thousands of U.S. soldiers went crashing into Panama to arrest Manuel Noriega on December 20 1989, the administration of President George Bush justified the action as a major victory in the war on drugs. The cost of that victory was played down in the rush of propaganda hailing a rare victory, in a war where the light at the end of the tunnel isn't often seen. The White House claimed casualties were low, 200 Panamanians killed along with about 20 U.S. soldiers. Bush declared the price worth the achievement of ending Panama’s role as banker and transit point for cocaine smuggled from the cartels of Colombia.

But the human cost turned out to be a great deal larger then the official pronouncements. A lawsuit brought by New York-based Centre for Constitutional Rights on behalf of 300 victims of the Panama invasion, charges that the casualties were actually more than 2,000 killed, that the assault left 20,000 homeless and damages exceeding $2 billion. Mass graves were unearthed after the invasion, and hundreds of victims buried in U.S.-made body bags were discovered, and eyewitnesses testified that they saw U.S. troops throwing the bodies of civilians into trenches. These revelations moved the OAS to open an investigation into possible human rights violations by the United States during its invasion of Panama, the first such investigation of a U.S. intervention ever mounted by an international body.

The gunfire had barely subsided in Panama, and General Noriega was hardly settled into his new digs in a federal prison, when another battle in the war on drugs seemed won. In Haiti, decades of brutal dictatorship seemed to be passing, with the election of President Jean Bertrand Aristide to lead the Caribbean nation of six million. It was a time when dreams of a better future by Haiti’s impoverished people seemed within reach.

But it wasn’t long before the dream was transformed into a nightmare. Less than a year after the election, on September 30 1991, Haiti’s army launched a ruthless coup d’etat that forced Aristide into exile. The coup ushered in yet another period of military repression in Haiti’s tortured history—a history marked by twenty years of U.S. military occupation, beginning with the 1915 crushing of a popular revolt by U.S. Marines.

Human rights groups report that Haitians killed in the repression following the coup may be more than 3,000. More than 2,000 others were seriously injured, including victims of gunshots and torture. The OAS imposed an embargo that failed to topple the coup leaders, but forced negotiations, brokered by the UN at Governors Island in New York last July. There coup leader General Raoul Cedras agreed to allow Aristide to return in exchange for an end to the embargo.

Yet as the date for Aristide’s return grew near, the military began a campaign of terror against their opponents. The killings peaked in the days before the scheduled return of Aristide, with the brazen murder of Antoine Izmery, a businessman and key Aristide backer, who was abducted from a cathedral and gunned down on a busy city street. Later, Guy Malary, Aristide’s justice minister, was also killed, and his body left by a roadside.

President Bill Clinton publicly expressed his support for Aristide’s return to Haiti, and sent the transport USS Harlan County, with hundreds of troops, to insure the transition to democracy. But at the port where the ship was to dock, pro-military government thugs staged a demonstration, prompting the Harlan County to turn back. It was shortly after the images of dead U.S. troops dragged through the streets of Somalia had shocked Americans, and provided an excuse for the Clinton administration to back off from what promised to be another open-ended intervention.

The Boys From the Company
Meanwhile, the CIA was openly running a full-scale disinformation campaign against Aristide. Ultra-conservative North Carolina Senator Jesse Helms, a leading opponent of Aristide, brought CIA analyst Brian Latell to Capitol Hill in October, to brief selected senators and representatives on allegations that Aristide had been treated for mental illness. It turned out that the time during which the CIA report alleges Aristide was treated at a Canadian hospital falls within the same period that Aristide was studying and teaching in Israel. Latell also said he saw no evidence of oppressive rule in Haiti.

While Helms was a long-time backer of the brutal dictatorship of Jean Claude Duvalier, the Democrats have their own ties to the human rights violators and drug dealers who rule Haiti.

Former Democratic party head and current secretary of commerce Ron Brown headed a law firm that represented the Duvalier family for decades. Part of that representation was a public relations campaign that stressed Duvalier’s opposition to communism in the cold war. United States support for Duvalier was worth more than $400 million in aid to the country, before the man who called himself Haiti’s President-for-Life was forced from the country.

Even Duvalier’s exit from Haiti, in February 1986, is shrouded in covert intrigue and remains an unexplored facet of the career of Lt. Col. Oliver North. Shortly after Duvalier’s ouster, North was quoted as saying he had brought an end to Haiti’s nightmare, a cryptic statement that was never publicly perused by the Iran-Contra hearings.

The CIA and the Cocaine Connection
As Jesse Helms was using the CIA to slag Aristide in the media, an intelligence service in Haiti set up by the agency to battle the cocaine trade, had evolved into a gang of political terrorists and drug traffickers. Three former chiefs of the Haitian National Intelligence Service (NIS) are now on the list of 41 Haitian officials whose assets in the United States were frozen for supporting the military coup.

The CIA poured millions into the NIS from its founding in 1986 to the 1991 coup. A 1992 DEA document describes the NIS as a covert counter-narcotics intelligence unit which often works in unison with the CIA. Although most of the CIA’s activities in Haiti remain secret, U.S. officials accuse some NIS members of becoming enmeshed in the drug trade. A U.S. embassy official in Haiti told the New York Times that the NIS was a military organization that distributed drugs in Haiti.

Aristide’s exiled interior minister Patrick Elie says the relationship between the CIA and NIS involves more than drugs. Elie told investigative reporter Dennis Bernstein that the NIS was created by the CIA. Created, Elie says, to infiltrate the drug network. But Elie adds, the NIS, which is staffed entirely by the Haitian military, spends most of its resources in political repression and spying on Haitians.

After the 1991 coup, Elie maintains that the drug trade took a quantum leap, taking control over the national Port Authority through the offices of Port-au-Prince Police Chief Lt. Col. Michel Francois. It was Francois’s thugs, called attaches, who were primarily responsible for the waves of political killings since the coup.

United States government sources say the NIS never provided much narcotics intelligence, and its commanding officers were responsible for the torture and murder of Aristide supporters, and were involved in death threats that forced the local DEA chief to flee the country. Connecticut Senator Christopher Dodd, who sits on the Foreign Relations Committee and received extensive CIA briefings, said that the drug intelligence the U.S. was getting came from the very same people who in front of the world are brutally murdering people.

Legacy of Corruption
In the early 1980’s, when Haiti was still under Duvalier’s rule, the drug trade in Haiti was the province of individually corrupt military men associated with Duvalier’s powerful father-in-law. By 1985 the cocaine cartels began to seek transit points for the booming cocaine industry. A natural candidate was Haiti lying just south of the Bahamas—another favorite transit route.

Haiti is particularly attractive to the drug smugglers because the most direct route from the Colombian coast to Florida lies through the Windward passage between northern Haiti and eastern Cuba. Port-au-Prince is approximately 500 nautical miles north of Colombia and 700 miles southeast of Miami. A former agent in charge of the Miami DEA, Thomas Cash, told Senator Kerry’s committee that Haiti’s attraction to smugglers is aided by dozens of small airstrips, the lack of patrols over Haitian airspace and the total lack of any radar monitoring approaches to the country. Combined with the legendary corruption of public officials, these conditions make Haiti a very fertile ground for drug traffickers.

In fact, infamous drug trafficker George Morales told Kerry that during the mid 1980’s I used the isle of Haiti mainly as a parking lot, as a place that I would place my aircraft so they could be repaired. When asked if he shipped drugs through Haiti, Morales replied, Yes, I did, adding, its something which is done fairly commonly.

Since then the role of Haiti in the drug trade has grown, and the profits to the Haitian officials involved have skyrocketed. This may explain the difficulty Aristide experienced during his short rule, in trying to interdict drug shipments. A confidential DEA report provided to Michigan Representative John Conyers told of the case of Tony Greco, a former DEA agent in Haiti, who fled for his life in September 1992, following the arrest of a Haitian military officer charged with drug running.

Patrick Elie says he got no assistance from the Haitian military in attempts to interdict drug shipments. And when Greco received information in May 1991 that 400 kilos of cocaine were arriving in Haiti, the DEA man watched helplessly as the drugs were delivered to waiting boats. Greco told Elie that the military was conspicuously absent at a moment they knew drugs were coming in.

Greco said he finally gave up and fled the country after he received a telephone death threat against his family from a man who identified himself as the boss of the arrested officer. Greco says only army commander Raoul Cedras and Port-au-Prince police chief Michel Francois, leaders of the 1991 coup, had his private number.

Despite Tony Greco’s experiences, the DEA defends their continuing presence in Haiti. There are currently two DEA agents still stationed in the country, and the DEA has continued its contacts with the military following Aristide’s ouster, despite the DEA’s admission that over 26,400 pounds of cocaine entered the United States in 1993, transhipped through Haiti with the cooperation of the military.

The DEA remains defensive of its contacts with the Haitian military. Agency spokesperson William Ruzzamenti says, Quite frankly and honestly, we have gotten reliable and good support in the things we’re trying to do there. He acknowledged that the DEA has received reports of Haitian army officers’ involvement in the drug trade, but said that the reports have not been verified.
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 Police Chief Col. Michel Francois 

The International Narcotics Control Strategy Report, released in April by the U.S. Department of State—Bureau of International Narcotics matters, says the current level of detected air and maritime drug-related activity in Haiti is low. On the subject of official corruption, the report says the United States does not have evidence directly linking senior government of Haiti officials to drug trafficking, though rumors and (unsubstantiated) allegations abound. Responding to the State Department report, Representative Major Owens, who heads the Haiti committee of the Congressional Black Caucus, told the SHADOW that the State Department’s failure to act on evidence of corruption by Haiti’s military commanders was a good question the government has failed to answer. Owens says Secretary of State Warren Christopher is guilty of a double standard motivated by racism against Black Haitian refugees.

The Shadowy World of Col. Francois
Most Haitians believe that Port-au-Prince police chief Col. Michel Francois and his elder brother Evans currently run the drug trade. Col. Francois has gained that control and become one of Haiti’s most powerful men , by recruiting hundreds of police auxiliaries or attaches, to control and eliminate his rivals. Francois commands his own independent intelligence service that spies on opponents and allies alike, while running a protection racket for local drug traffickers. Michael Ratner, an attorney with the CCR, says Francois and former dictator Prosper Avril are the rule behind the facade of General Cedras.

Francois and his men have a history of involvement in the torture of opponents and death-squad-style murders of Aristide supporters. In one recent incident, attaches mobbed Port-au-Prince City Hall to prevent the capital’s mayor, Evans Paul, an Aristide supporter, from entering his offices.
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Prosper Avril 
One person was killed and 11 wounded during the September 8th incident, when the mob opened fire on Aristide supporters. Witnesses say the attack began when attaches dragged two of Paul’s aides from a car, viciously beating an Aristide official. Francois is also considered responsible for the murder of Justice Minister Guy Malary.

Journalist Dennis Bernstein writes that Francois was trained at the U.S. Army’s School of the Americas , known in Latin America as La Escuela de Golpes, the school of coups. Originally based in Panama, the SOA was moved to Ft. Benning, Georgia in 1984. In its 40-year history, the SOA has trained 55,000 military personnel from Latin America, including the late Salvadoran death squad leader Roberto d’Aubuisson.

On April 21st 1994, a convicted Colombian drug trafficker, Gabriel Taboada, who is in the fifth year of a 12-year sentence in a Miami federal prison, fingered Francois at a Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee hearing chaired by Senator John Kerry. Taboada testified that Lt. Col. Francois collaborated in shipping tons of cocaine to the United States during then 1980’s.

Taboada said he met Francois while he was in the Medellin, Colombia office of drug king Pablo Escobar, in 1984. During a thirty minute conversation, Taboada told Francois he was a car importer. Francois, he said, asked why wasn't I in the drug business since the drug business made good money.

Speaking through an interpreter, Taboada said: I asked him what his business was and he said that at the time he was in Medellin arranging a cocaine deal. Taboada said he later learned that Francois was Chief of Police in Haiti.
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U.S. Army’s School of the Americas 
Taboada told the committee that the cartel took planes out of Colombia and landed in Haiti, protected by the Haitian military. Michel Francois protected the drugs in Haiti, and then allowed the drugs to continue to the United States. Taboada also told the subcommittee that Haitian military figures often met Medellin cartel members in Colombia, including strongman Prosper Avril, who along with Francois, has long been linked to the drug trade in Haiti.

Money Laundering and The Drug Trade

Mexico is in the grip of a murderous drug war that has killed over 150,000 people since 
2006. It is one of the most violent countries on earth. This drug war is a product of the drug trade which is worth up to $400 billion a year and accounts for about 8% of all international trade.

The U.S government maintains that there is no alternative but to vigorously prosecute their zero tolerance policy of arresting drug users and their dealers. This has led to the  incarceration of over 500,000 Americans. Meanwhile the flood of illegal drugs into America continues unabated. One thing the American government has not done is to prosecute the largest banks in the world for supporting the drug cartels by washing billions of dollars of drug money. As Narco sphere journalist Bill Conroy has observed banks are ”where the money is” in the global drug war.

HSBC, Western Union, Bank of America, JP Morgan Chase&Co, Citigroup, Wachovia amongst many others have allegedly failed to comply with American anti-money laundering (AML) laws.

The Mexican drug cartels have caught the headlines again and again due to their murderous 
activities. The war between the different drug cartels and the war between the cartels and 
government security forces has spilled the blood of tens of thousands of innocent people. The drug cartels would find it much harder to profit from their murderous activity if they didn't have too big to fail banks willing to wash their dirty money. In March 2010 Wachovia cut a deal with the US government which involved the bank being given fines of $160 million under a ”deferred prosecution” agreement. This was due to Wachovia’s heavy involvement in money laundering moving up to $378.4 billion over several years. Not one banker was prosecuted for illegal involvement in the drugs trade. Meanwhile small time drug dealers and users go to prison.

If any member of the public is caught in possession of a few grammes of coke you  can bet your bottom dollar they will be going down to serve some hard time. However, if you are a bankster caught laundering billions of dollars for some of the most murderous people on the planet you get off with a slap on the wrist in the form of some puny fine and a deferred prosecution deal.

Charles A. Intriago, president of the Miami-based Association of Certified Financial Crime Specialists has observed, “… If you’re an individual, and get caught, you get hammered.

“But if you’re a big bank, and you’re caught moving money for a terrorist or drug dealer, 
you don’t have to worry. You just fork over a monetary penalty, and then raise your fees 
to make up for it.

“Until we see bankers walking off in handcuffs to face charges in these cases, nothing is going to change,” Intriago adds. “These monetary penalties are just a cost of doing business to them, like paying for a new corporate jet.”

This failure on the behalf of the US government to really crack down on the finances of 
the drug cartels extends to British banks as well. In July 2012 the US Senate Committee on 
Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs issued a 339 page report detailing an amazing 
catalogue of ”criminal ” behaviour by London based HSBC. This includes washing over $881 
for the Mexican Sinaloa Cartel and for the Norte del Valle Cartel in Colombia. Besides 
this, HSBC affiliated banks such as HBUS repeatedly broke American AML laws by their long 
standing and severe AML deficiencies which allowed Saudi banks such as Al Rajhi to finance 
terrorist groups that included Al-Qaeda. HBUS the American affiliate of HSBC supplied 
Al Rajhi bank with nearly $1 billion in US dollars.

Jack Blum an attorney and former Senate investigator has commented, “They violated every 
goddamn law in the book. They took every imaginable form of illegal and illicit business.”
HSBC affiliate HBUS was repeatedly instructed to improve its anti-money laundering program. The Federal Reserve Bank of New York took  action that called upon HBUS to improve its anti-money laundering program. In September 2010 theOffice of Comptroller of the Currency (OCC) sent a ”blistering supervisory letter” to HBUS listing numerous AML problems at the bank.

In October 2010 this was followed up with the OCC issuing a cease and desist order requiring HBUS to improve its AML program a second time. Senator Carl Levin chairman of the Senate investigation into HSBC has commented that, ”HSBC’s Chief Compliance Officer and other senior executives in London knew what was going on, but allowed the deceptive conduct tocontinue.”

Let us look at just a couple of the devastating findings in the Senate report.The main focus of the report is the multiple failures of HSBC to comply with AML laws and regulations: The identified problems included a once massive backlog of over 17,000 alerts identifying suspicious activity that had yet to be reviewed; ineffective methods for identifying suspicious activity; a failure to file timely Suspicious Activity Reports with U.S. law enforcement; a 3-year failure by HBUS [a HSBC affiliate] , from mid-2006 to mid-2009, to conduct any AML monitoring of $15 billion in bulk cash transactions … a failure to monitor $60 trillion in annual wire transfer activity by customers …inadequate and unqualified AML staffing; inadequate AML resources; and AML leadership problems. Since many of these criticisms targeted severe, widespread,and long standing AML deficiencies,…..”

The report catalogues in great detail the failings of HSBC affiliates HBUS in America and 
HMEX in Mexico:

”from 2007 through 2008, HBMX was the single largest exporter ofU.S. dollars to HBUS, 
shipping $7 billion in cash to HBUS over two years, outstripping larger Mexican banks and other HSBC affiliates. Mexican and U.S. authorities expressed repeated concern that HBMX’s bulk cash shipments could reach that volume only if they included illegal drug proceeds. The concern was that drug traffickers unable to deposit large amounts of cash in U.S. banks due to AML controls were transporting U.S. dollars to Mexico, arranging for bulk deposits there, and then using Mexican financial institutions to insert the cash back into the U.S. financial system. … high profile clients involved in drug trafficking; millions of dollars in suspicious bulk travelers cheque transactions; inadequate staffing and resources; and a huge backlog of accounts marked for closure due to suspicious activity, but whose closures were delayed.”

In the Senate hearing on 17 July 2012 Carl Levin Chairman of the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs explained how HMEX helped the Mexican drug cartels:

”Because our tough AML laws in the United States have made it hard for drug cartels to find a U.S. bank willing to accept huge unexplained deposits of cash, they now smuggle U.S. dollars across the border into Mexico and look for a Mexican bank or casa de cambio willing to take the cash. Some of those casas de cambios had accounts at HBMX. HBMX, in turn, took all the physical dollars it got and transported them by armored car or aircraft back across the border to HBUS for deposit into its U.S. banknotes account, completing the laundering cycle.”

Senator Levin went on to note how:

”Over two years, from 2007 to 2008, HBMX shipped $7 billion in physical U.S. dollars to 
HBUS. That was more than any other Mexican bank, even one twice HBMX’s size. When law 
enforcement and bank regulators in Mexico and the United States got wind of the banknotes 
transactions, they warned HBMX and HBUS that such large dollar volumes were red flags for 
drug proceeds moving through the HSBC network.”

In December 2012 the Department of Justice cut a deal with HSBC which imposed a record 
$1.9 billion dollar fine. It may sound a lot to ordinary folks but it is a tiny fraction of its annual profits which in 2011 totalled $22 billion. Assistant Attorney General Lanny Bauer announced the settlement at a press conference on 11 December 2012. His comments reveal why the US government decided to go soft on such criminal behaviour and show quite clearly how there is one law for the richest 1% and one law for the rest of us. Lenny Bauer said:

 ”Had the U.S. authorities decided to press criminal charges, HSBC would almost certainly 
have lost its banking license in the U.S., the future of the institution would have been 
under threat and the entire banking system would have been destabilized.”

Think about that statement for a moment. A bank that has quite clearly been caught out 
helping murderous drug criminals, terrorist groups, third world dictatorships and all sorts of criminal characters is to be let off with a slap on the wrist. No criminal prosecutions or even a mention of criminal behaviour due to the fears that to do so would put the world economy in jeopardy. So there you have it. Banksters who engage in such behaviour that is regarded as criminal by the vast majority of people on the planet are not only too big to fail they are also too big to jail.

After the Department of Justice announcement of the deferred prosecution HSBC Chief 
Executive Stuart Gulliver said,

“We accept responsibility for our past mistakes. We have said we are profoundly sorry for 
them, and we do so again.”
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Respectable and Honest Banksters

Such statements will provide little solace to the families of the 150,000 people estimated 
by US Secretary of Defence Leon Panetta to have been killed in Mexico’s drug war. Nor will 
it help the hundreds of thousands of Mexican citizens who have been forced to flee their 
homes and escape the violence by going to the United Sates or moving to other parts of 
Mexico.

Senator Elizabeth Warren appearing at a meeting of the Senate Banking Committee in 
February expressed frustration with officials from the US Treasury Department and US 
Federal Reserve over the issue of why criminal charges were not pressed on HSBC or any of 
its officials. The officials were evasive when she tried to draw them on the issue of what 
it takes for a bank to have its licence withdrawn:

”HSBC paid a fine, but no one individual went to trial, no individual was banned from 
banking, and there was no hearing to consider shutting down HSBC’s activities here in the 
United States. So, what I’d like is, you’re the experts on money laundering. I’d like an 
opinion: What does it take — how many billions do you have to launder for drug lords and 
how many economic sanctions do you have to violate — before someone will consider shutting 
down a financial institution like this?”

Senator Warren finished the session by commenting on the glaring double standards within 
the US justice system:

“You know, if you’re caught with an ounce of cocaine, the chances are good you’re going to 
go to jail. If it happens repeatedly, you may go to jail for the rest of your life. But 
evidently, if you launder nearly a billion dollars for drug cartels and violate our 
international sanctions, your company pays a fine and you go home and sleep in your own 
bed at night, every single individual associated with this. I think that’s fundamentally 
wrong.”

On 4 March 2013 HSBC announced profits of $20.6 billion in 2012 while it paid out a $3 
million bonus to its CEO. This outrageous state of affairs beggars belief after HSBC has 
been clearly caught out engaging in activity on behalf of murderous drug lords, terrorist 
financing banks and brutal third world dictatorships. Where is the British Government’s 
condemnation of HSBC? You may be waiting a long time for that considering the fact that 
Chancellor George Osborne and his fellow ministers are intimately connected to the British 
banking elite.

Long time observer of the Mexican drug war Bill Conroy comments that the deal cut with 
HSBC by the Department of Justice,

”should illuminate for all the great pretense of the drug war — no matter how hard US 
prosecutors, via the mainstream media, attempt to convince us otherwise. …And it should 
lead us to conclude, if we are honest with ourselves, that the so-called drug war is 
little more than one immense “drug deal.”
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