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Deadly Night In Reynosa up to 120 Killed

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Clashes between rival Gulf Cartel (CDG) gangs lasting 3 hours left up to 120 dead and not two, as announced by the authorities in Tamaulipas. The massive full scale fire-fight  started because of an “internal conflict between factions of the Gulf Cartel for the leadership in Reynosa, the situation had been brewing for a long time and increased when M4, David Salgado, was killed on January 15th.

On 2 September 2011, Flores Borrego was found dead along with a local police officer on the outskirts of the border city of Reynosa, Tamaulipas. The two men were first stripped to their underwear, severely beaten, tortured and then shot dead; their corpses were then left on the bed of the Ford Lobo along with a message against the cartel faction Flores Borrego commanded – Los Metros.

The Mexican authorities never confirmed it, but the execution-style killings bore the signs of an internal adjustment within the cartel, and sources outside of law enforcement confirmed that Juan Mejía González (El R-1) and Rafael Cárdenas Vela (El Junior) were responsible for Flores Borrego's assassination.


Rafael Cárdenas Vela (a.k.a. El Junior, El Rolex)  is the nephew of Antonio and Osiel Cárdenas Guillén, two men who at one time led the Gulf Cartel.

The death of his uncle Antonio aka Tony Tormenta, on November 2010 created an internal division in the Gulf Cartel, but Cárdenas Vela managed to become the regional boss of the cartel in Matamoros on March 2011.  Amid the turmoil, Cárdenas Vela began to have problems with the drug lord Jorge Eduardo Costilla Sánchez and his henchmen. Fearing for his own life, Cárdenas Vela fled to the state ofTexasand managed the operatives of the cartel behind the scenes. But his career came to an end on 20 October 2011 when federal agents arrested him in Port Isabel, Texas.
Tony Tormenta

Stratfor released a report on 3 November 2011 where they mentioned that the drug lord must have been living tough times in his position because his uncle Osiel Cárdenas Guillén is believed to have cooperated with the U.S. authorities as a protected witness. Cárdenas Vela was believed to be part of Los Rojos, a faction of the Gulf cartel that is loyal to the Cárdenas family and headed by Juan Mejía González, alias El R1.


El Juniors uncle, Tony Tormenta  is believed to have begun his drug trafficking career during the late 1980s, rising through the ranks of the Gulf Cartel and becoming its leader after the arrest of his brother Osiel Cárdenas Guillén on 14 March 2003.


Costilla Sanchez's faction may have tipped off U.S. authorities instead of killing him. There has not been any confirmation that Los Metros was responsible for the tip to U.S. authorities, but even if it was not, it will benefit from the hit taken by its intra-cartel rivals with the loss of their leader.
El X-20 aka Pelón

Despite being a powerful leader in the Gulf Cartel, his rude actions "burned many bridges in the organization."  A source outside law enforcement but with direct knowledge of the situation stated that Cárdenas Vela was "very hardheaded and impulsive," which made him have many enemies in the organization. "(Some of the) comandantes were glad he is gone.


Antonio Cárdenas Guillén became the co-leader of the Gulf Cartel, along with Jorge Eduardo Costilla Sánchez, alias El Coss, after the extradition of Osiel Cárdenas Guillén.[6] El Coss was often viewed as the "strongest leader" of the two, but collaborated with Tony Tormenta, who acted as representative of his brother in jail.

However, Tony Tormenta died in an eight-hour shooting with the Mexican government forces on 5 November 2010 in the border city of Matamoros, Tamaulipas. Government sources claimed that this operation—where more than 660 marines, 17 vehicles, and 3 helicopters participated—left 8 dead: three marines, one soldier, and four gunmen, including Antonio Cárdenas Guillén.

According to , KVEO-TV, several online sources and witnesses, along with one law enforcement officer who preferred to keep his name anonymous, mentioned that more than 100 people died that day in Matamoros. The death of Tony Tormenta also caused a spiral of violence in Reynosa, Tamaulipas a number of days after he was killed. Moreover, his death also generated a turf war with Los Zetas in the city of Ciudad Mier, Tamaulipas, resulting in the exodus of more than 95% of its population.

Los Escorpiones, also called Grupo Escorpios, (The Scorpions), was believed to be the mercenary group that protected Antonio Ezequiel Cárdenas Guillén, the former leader of the organization.  According to reports by the Mexican government, Los Escorpiones was created by Tony Tormenta and was composed of over 60 civilians, former police officers, and ex-military officials.

Jorge Eduardo Costilla Sánchez (El Coss) before his capture was among Mexico's most-wanted drug lords. The last days of Costilla Sánchez's leadership began on  September 3rd 2012, when several banners were reportedly put up in Ecatepec, State of Mexico, accusing the capitan of the Mexican Naval Infantry, Marina Efraín Martínez Talamantes, of protecting Costilla Sánchez. 
El Coss

Nine days later, Costilla Sánchez was arrested in an operative where not a single shot was fired. The anonymous source said that the Navy arrested him because the accusations were starting to gain some weight, while others said that once the Navy was done "using Costilla Sánchez" to their advantage, they "betrayed him" so that his capture could serve as a symbolic medal for the Navy and the administration of Felipe Calderón. 

The sources stated that before his arrest, Costilla Sánchez himself was allegedly also seeking to forge an alliance with Miguel Treviño Morales (Z-40), one of the leaders of Los Zetas, the former armed wing of the Gulf Cartel.

Up to this point the CDG had a pact in place with the Zetas arch rivals CDS (Sinaloa Cartel), Costilla was the one that was able to join with El Chapo, they intended to unite CDG & CDS but a faction of the CDG was not in agreement, this faction was the Metros led by M3, at that time when he refused to cooperate, they ordered the execution of M3, Los Metros and Mario Pelon (X20) decided to fight back and that is when the internal conflict started within the CDG.

Héctor Delgado Santiago aka El Metro 4
Héctor Delgado Santiago aka El Metro 4, was a high-ranking leader of the Mexican Gulf Cartel. Born and raised in Matamoros, Tamaulipas, El Metro 4 initiated his criminal career by working with Los Metros, an enforcer gang of the Gulf Cartel. Within some time, his position in the cartel grew, and he later became the regional leader in Reynosa, Tamaulipas and the right-hand man of the drug lord Mario Ramírez Treviño aka El X-20 and Pelón.

The Players in CDG
Los Rojos are made up of: Kalimanes (People of Commander Sierra), Scorpions (People of Costilla) Group XW (Commanded of Commander Wicho at least until his capture, now they are under the command of XW-2) Los R's under the command of R1, Los X's commanded by Coss, Los Ciclones loyal to Los Cardenas until the capture of Osiel's nephews who now form part of the member XW, this group operates together with CDS, they joined so that CDS can control all of Tamaulipas leaving CDG out who are now Los Metros.


Samuel Flores Borrego (a.k.a. El Metro 3) was a high-ranking lieutenant of the Gulf Cartel. He was a former state judicial policeman who protected the ex-leader of the Gulf cartel, Osiel Cárdenas Guillén. Upon his arrest, Flores Borrego became the right-hand man of Jorge Eduardo Costilla Sánchez (El Coss), the former leader of the criminal organization.
Juan Reyes Mejía González El Quique

Juan Reyes Mejía González, alias El R1 and El Quique, is a Mexican drug lord and current high-ranking member in the Gulf Cartel who allegedly heads Los Rojos, a faction within the cartel.

Mario Armando Ramírez Treviño, alias El X-20 and Pelón, is a high-ranking lieutenant in the Gulf Cartel. He reportedly became the regional boss of the cartel in Reynosa, Tamaulipas after the death of the drug lord Samuel Flores Borrego alias El Metro 3 in 2 September 2011.


The gunfight allegedly began after M4 was reported killed last month by another leader of the CDG who was identified only by “El Gringo.” According to the VT report, M4 was executed shortly after getting into a dispute with another leader known as “El Comandante Cortez” forcing “El Comandante Gringo” to join the armed assault, in an attempt to take over the split faction of the CDG in Reynosa.
 El Gringo CDG

Mejía González is often accredited as the "second-in-command" in the Gulf organization. He is responsible for controlling the flow of cocaine from Central America and South America to the drug corridors between Nuevo Laredo and Reynosa, Tamaulipas. On March 2008, Mejía González was indicted in Washington, D.C. and placed as one of the most-wanted fugitives by the U.S. government.

Killing M4 led to a retaliation by “El Puma” who is Cortez’ son. El Puma apparently is now feuding with his dad over the control of Reynosa and has turned into a family war. El Gringo sided with the Cortez CDG faction, but was allegedly killed in the confrontation with El Puma CDG faction. Cortez could have also been killed over the weekend.

 The infighting in the Gulf Cartel refers to a series of confrontations between the Metros and the Rojos, two factions within Gulf Cartel that engaged in a power struggle directly after the death of the drug lord Samuel Flores Borrego in September 2011. 
The infighting has lasted through 2012, although the Metros have gained the advantage and regained control of the major cities controlled by the cartel when it was essentially one organization.

The first postings began around 19,00, which alerted social news followers of multiple roads blocks, car chases and a gun battle that included several grenade and bazooka blasts that lasted for 45 minutes. 

The gun-battles spread throughout Reynosa, including the area of La Cima where a circus performance was interrupted by a gunfight that resulted in several injuries to innocent people and some circus animals. In the neighbourhood of Morelos, movie goers remained inside the theatre for several hours to escape the gun-battle.
CDG Factions


One of the Facebook (FB) users posted a comment on VT accusing El Gringo of crossing sides and joining Los Zetas. Both Los Zetas and the Gulf Cartel have been feuding for several years in an attempt to take control of the multi-million drug cartel border town routes.

The Sinaloa drug cartel headed by Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman Loera has also been trying to take control of the state of Tamaulipas in order to control the routes headed into the U.S.
The CDG was able to send reinforcements to Reynosa from nearby cities, small towns or municipalities they control and more blood shed between the CDG factions and Los Zetas is expected to escalate.


Police sirens and ETM ambulances could be heard going into the  CDG  battle scene. The Mexican military did not arrive on the scene until 01.00 several and only then did the battle between the  CDG factions temporarily die down. For about 3 hours, gunfire, grenade explosions and convoys of armed combatants were seen and reported through social media sites such as Facebook and Twitter. 
RPG Damage

Not surprisingly, main stream media in Mexico refrained from reporting the incidents. After a 72 hour bloody shoot-out that raged on Sunday night in the Tamaulipas city of Reynosa, many reports are consistently claiming that both el Gringo and El Puma were killed in the conflict.

In a news release, the Tamaulipas Attorney General’s Office, known as the PGJE, confirmed that the two slain bystanders were a taxi driver and a teenager who was riding a vehicle with his father. The release confirms one person was injured and seven gunmen arrested, and it states that authorities seized 22 vehicles that were used in the melee, but it doesn't mention any gunmen dying.

The Tamaulipas law enforcement agent called the new release issued by his superiors an insult to common sense.

“There were four trucks filled with bodies that (members of organized crime) picked up,” the official said. “That is not counting the (bodies) that were left behind.”
War Zone

A Tamaulipas law enforcement official, who asked to not be named citing security reasons, confirmed that the death toll was about three dozen, however the exact figures were not known because cartel gunmen picked up their own people’s bodies during the struggle.

The Tamaulipas State Attorney General (PGRE) reported that on Sunday a young child was killed by a stray bullet and his father was seriously injured. Also, that the body of a taxi driver was found with a fatal bullet wound to the neck. Seven suspects were taken into custody and 22 vehicles were confiscated, according to the PGRE. Last week at least 60 homicides were reported in the region within 84 hours.

The Reynosa conflict lasted for three to four hours, yet if one was to search mainstream media on both sides the border, or announcements/warnings from government agencies you would come up empty. During the protracted gun battle  dozens of gunmen were killed, but authorities Monday would only confirm the deaths of two bystanders and the injury of a third.

The state and federal government have remained mute about the clash and inadequately, if not misleadingly, reported, that only two deaths occurred.  This while reports persisted of  the death of at least 60 people, all members of organized crime,  were found in four trucks.

There is a scary new reporting policy forming in Mexico.  Beginning with the announcement of President Enrique Peña Nieto that the Calderon style of reporting  will cease.  No more video footage or still shots of military and police operations and captures and presentations.


While on-line coverage of the shoot-out in Reynosa has become common knowledge, mainstream news media have remained mum about it, said Guadalupe Correa-Cabrera, chair of the Government Department at the University of Texas at Brownsville.

“This has me very worried because this blackout is coming from both sides,” Correa Cabrera said. “Not only are we seeing organized crime shushing the media but now we are seeing the government at all levels put a lid on the media where you now have virtually no mainstream coverage of a battle of this magnitude.”

Although attacks on journalists existed before the start of Mexico's drug war in 2006, they have greatly increased ever since. The drug cartels in Mexico have frequently attacked traditional print newspapers by tossing grenades at their installations or by killing, threatening, or kidnapping their journalists. 

Some journalists across Mexico have stopped covering the drug war entirely after their colleagues have been threatened, kidnapped, or killed. Since 2000 more than 160 journalist have been killed or are missing. That is five times more than journalist killed in Iraq and three times more journalists killed while covering military conflicts worldwide since 1933.

Suriname Connection

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Trafficking links between Brazil and Southern Africa appear to be growing.  While only about 15 per cent of South America's cocaine exports pass through Brazil, the country has become a base for foreign and indigenous crime groups involved in the distribution of the drug.

A shift in Brazil's anti-narcotics strategy has seen the federal police seize record quantities of cocaine in the states of Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo in the past six months. In two major operations, around 1.5 tonnes of cocaineen route to Europe by ship were seized in each state. 

The seizures highlight the current operating methods of international drug trafficking gangs using Brazil as a transit point and expose weaknesses within the authorities. Coca is not grown in Brazil (with the exception of small cultivations of the coca bush epadu, which have been reported in the northern border region and are used in traditional remedies by the Indian community), but borders are shared with the three main producers: ColombiaPeru and Bolivia.  The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) states that about 85 per cent of South America's cocaine is trafficked to the US and Europe via Mexico and the Caribbean, with only around 15 per cent going south through Brazil and a small quantity heading to Argentina. An estimated 90 tonnes of high-quality, pure cocaine enter Brazil each year. In 2005, a record 15 tonnes were confiscated, compared to just over five tonnes 10 years ago. Seized amounts have not topped 10 tonnes in the previous three years. Of the total amount of cocaine that entered Brazil this year, it is estimated that 37 to 40 tonnes were exported and the rest consumed in Brazil.  
The UNODC's representative for Brazil and the South Cone, Giovanni Quaglia, said: "There is no justification for going through a southern hemisphere country when the consumer countries are in the north. It is a waste of time going south and there is the risk of confiscation." However, there is evidence that as youth populations in the US and Europe stabilise, causing cocaine consumption to reach a plateau, South Africa, a transit point that enables traffickers to avoid "suspicious" direct routes from South America, is growing as a consumer of cocaine.  Recently Sheryl Cwele, the wife of South African Security Minister Siyabonga Cwele, was sentenced to 12 years in jail for trafficking 9 kg of cocaine.

New developments include the growth of two-way trafficking with northern Europe as synthetic drugs, notably ecstasy, gain popularity in Brazil and the growth of Suriname as a transit point used by Brazilian traffickers.  Other developments, such as the use of fishing boats to transport drugs across the Atlantic, highlight the relentless game of cat and mouse as international traffickers try to stay one step ahead of the authorities.  

International gangs  
Recent cocaine seizures have underlined how traffickers using Brazil as a gateway operate behind legal business fronts, carrying out a mixture of legal and illegal activities.  In mid-September 2005, 'Operation Caravela' found 1,698 kg of pure cocaine hidden inside frozen shrink-wrapped beef at a market warehouse in Rio de Janeiro. The drugs were found one month before they were due to be shipped to Portugal by a group of wealthy Brazilians. Dr Ronaldo Urbano, Brazil's general co-ordinator for the repression of narcotics, said: "These were businesspeople. They rented industrial freezing and packing facilities and paid for them. They were not violent people."  

In August 2005, police found 1,436 kg of Colombian cocaine, hidden in charcoal sacks on a ship bound for Portugal, in the port of Santos, Sao Paulo state. Police said the organisers were Colombian but no arrests were made.  Gino Liccione, a Brazilian federal prosecutor, said: "Most of the firms involved are firms that really do operate, that really do have profits. [In that sense] they are working more as money laundering operations."  These 'legitimate' companies are typically import-export businesses. Police say heavier checks are carried out the first few times a company sends cargo, so traffickers begin by sending legal goods. It is believed that many send cocaine only a couple of times before they pack up and disappear.  In the past, traffickers have been known to send drugs in charcoal, fruit or furniture shipments, though timber has been the most common cargo in which to secrete cocaine.  While these methods are still being used, the packing of the cocaine found during 'Caravela', inside shrink-wrapped frozen meat, was a new development.  

Federal police became more aware of the methods used by Colombian traffickers operating in Brazil following investigations conducted after the seizure of more than a tonne of cocaine in 2002. A senior member of the federal police said: "They buy an apartment legally in a nice area of Sao Paulo and stay here legally. They create companies that are apparently legal, but many times the address is fictitious. When you go to check, there is no company there. We call them 'ghost' companies." Again, most of these companies are involved in import and export .In contrast to the old Colombian cartels, Colombian traffickers who use Brazil as a corridor
tend to be 'men with money', possibly earned legally, who have now turned to 'investing' in
drug trafficking. The gangs tend to be small and remain independent, not co-operating or
fighting with others, according to the police.  Foreign criminal organisations come to Sao Paulo seeking Colombians who will represent their interests with dealers in Colombia,say Brazilian police. European groups are an exception, as they tend not to make direct contact with the Colombians, instead using a go between.   Cocaine trafficking groups that are reported to be operating in Brazil include members of the Lebanese community who have residency - as seen in the case of Operation 'Tamara' in mid-2005. Lebanon was listed by the UN in 2005 as a "significant exporter" of cannabis, suggesting a possible link between Brazil and established Lebanese trafficking networks.  
Police seize 440kg in Suriname
The Suriname connection  
Until October 2004, when a law was enacted allowing aircraft suspected of carrying drugs to be shot down in Brazilian airspace if they do not land when instructed, most traffickers chose to bring cocaine into Brazil by light aircraft, particularly if it was of Colombian origin, according to Ronaldo Urbano, Brazil's general co-ordinator for the repression of narcotics.  No aircraft have yet been shot down, but increased air surveillance over the state of Amazonia in the north of Brazil has meant that river fishing boats are now being used to traffic cocaine into the country from Colombia. Such boats follow the tributaries of the Amazon and Negro rivers. 

In 2005, there have been three major seizures, each netting around 600 kg of cocaine, in the area of Manaus, a busy port 2,000 km from the Atlantic at the end of the Amazon River's deep-water channel. The Amazon takes boats to the coastal city of Belem, the principal port and a major commercial fishing centre.  Aircraft are still being used to move large quantities of Colombian cocaine (typically 0.5 to 1.5 tonnes), but in order to avoid Brazilian airspace, many have begun flying over Venezuela to Suriname, according to a senior policeman who described this as an "easy route". He added that Brazilian criminals have increasingly been settling in Suriname to escape from justice.  According to Brazil's Ministry of External Relations, this trend has been apparent for approximately 10 years, but the police say there has been an upsurge in the past year, following the rapid growth of the air route. Attempts by Brazilian police to exchange information with their Surinamese counterparts are hampered by a language barrier, as either Dutch is spoken or the creole dialect Sranang Tongo ('Taki-Taki'), which is noted as being particularly problematic.  
Colombians in Suriname receive guns for : FARC, and the ELN, paying with cocaine. Crack cocaine is now available 
o the streets of Suriname for less than USD1 a'hit'.Ecstasy has also been seized in Suriname, suggesting a possible two-way drug trade with cocaine-receiving countries in northern Europe. Synthetic drugs area growing problem in Braziland UNODC representative Giovanni Quaglia warns that, within a year, ecstasy production could begin in the region. He said: "The chemicals are available and the formula is not difficult."

Suriname gained independence from the Netherlands in 
1975. This was followed by a number of coups and a civil war in the small coastal country, which is a major exporter of bauxite and timber. In 2000, the country's former military leader, Desi Bouterse, was found guilty of drug trafficking by a court in The Hague although he did not attend and there is not an extradition treaty between the countries. In contrast, when a Danish-led drug smuggling syndicate was uncovered in 2005, Brazil's supreme court agreed to extradite a Dane who had been arrested in Rio de Janeiro even though there is not an extradition agreement between Brazil and Denmark.
Desi Bouterse

A report by the Suriname Drug Information Network in 2002 spoke of the country's lack of an effective control system at the airport and modern detection equipment for finding drugs among freight. The report added:".the possibilities of protection, the inadequate control of the Surinamese waters and interior and the strategic position of Suriname on the South American continent, with direct connections to Europe by air and by sea,in particular with the Netherlands,make Suriname a drug transit state par excellence.



On 19 July 2010, Bouterse was elected as President of Suriname with 36 of 50 parliament votes[2] and on 12 August 2010 he was inaugurated.

In 2000, he was sentenced in the Netherlands to 11 years imprisonment because he was found guilty of trafficking 474 kilos of cocaine. Wikileaks cables released in 2011 reveal that Bouterse was involved in drug-trafficking until 2006. The cables report the connection between Bouterse and top Guyanese criminals Roger Khan and Eduardo Beltran. Khan was believed to help Bouterse's financial situation by giving him the means to supplement his income through narcotics trafficking. According to the cables Bouterse met Roger Khan several times in Nickerie at the house of MP Rashied Doekhi, who is prominent member of Bouterse's political party. The cables also report that Bouterse and Khan were plotting to assassinate then minister of Justice Chan Santokhi and attorney general Subhaas Punwasi.

Khan who is known as the Guyanese Pablo Escobar and whose name is mentioned in almost 200 murders in Guyana was arrested in Paramaribo in June 2006 in a sting operation by the Surinamese police. By order of then minister of Justice Chan Santokhi he was deported to the United States of America where he was sentenced to 40 years imprisonment on charges of smuggling large amounts of cocaine into the United States of America, witness tampering and illegal possession of firearms. Eduardo Beltran is a major regional narcotic logistics handler currently operating out of Venezuela. Beltran reportedly travelled to Suriname on a monthly basis.
Dino Bouterse

In April 2012, former fellow soldier of Bouterse and also suspect in the December murders Ruben Rozendaal said that in the 80s and early 90s Bouterse supplied the FARC of Colombia with weapons in exchange for cocaine. In a document from 2006 from the American embassy (published by Wikileaks) there are reports of a possible connection in the past of Bouterse and the FARC. Although Bouterse was convicted in the Netherlands for cocaine trafficking, he has remained free in Suriname.

Bouterse's son, Dino Bouterse, was sentenced in 2005 to eight years imprisonment for international drug and arms trafficking. In 1994, Dino was suspected of the disappearance of three Brazilians when a cocaine deal went wrong. Together with Marcel Zeeuw, Dino was arrested and spent about five months in prison. But when the case went to the court, the star witness withdrew his testimony. In 2002, Dino was suspected of the theft of 20 automatic AK47 rifles and 51 pistols from the storage of the Central Intelligence and Security Department of Suriname. Ten months he was sought, before he was arrested on 12 June 2003, at the airport of Curacao with a false Dutch passport. After co-defendant Jochem Brunings had a conversation with Dino’s lawyer, Irvin Kanhai, he withdrew his incriminating statement and Dino was acquitted because of lack of evidence.

In 2005, Dino was sentenced to eight years’ imprisonment for international drug and arms trafficking. He appealed against the court’s decision. Of the eight years, he served only three.

Shortly after Bouterse was inaugurated as president of Suriname, he appointed his son Dino as the leader of the heavily armed Counter Terror Unit (CTU), a controversial police organization with military status, which, according to President Bouterse, aims to combat terrorism in Suriname. At a press meeting in December, 2010, President Bouterse responded to a journalist, who asked why Dino was, despite his conviction, appointed as head of CTU, by saying: "At CTU the very best men are placed and my son is among the very best".

In December 2011, President Bouterse granted a pardon to his foster son Romano Meriba who in 2005 was convicted to 15 years imprisonment of murder and robbery of a Chinese trader in 2002. Meriba was also convicted for throwing a hand grenade at the house of the Dutch ambassador. Meriba was also arrested on March 23, 2012 in Paramaribo because he was accused of assaulting and beating up a citizen and police officer the night before in a nightclub. He was not in custody of the police for long because the accusation was retracted the following day.


Cocaine fishers  
Drug trafficking gangs, formed of Colombians and Brazilians, operate in Suriname with the help of locals.  Brazilian federal police told JIR that fishing boats from Brazil, usually from Belem, are used to ship cocaine from Surinamese waters across the Atlantic to Europe or the coast of Africa, where the drugs are transferred to other commercial vessels. 

In July2005, a fishing boat, the Brasimex1, left Belem heading for the coast of Guyana and Suriname. A boat from Suriname met the Brasimex 75 km off the Surinamese coast, taking on board 2.2 tonnes of high-quality cocaine. Spanish customs agents intercepted the boat off the Canary Islands and arrested the seven Brazilian crew members. Weapons reportedly found on board Brasimex 1 included a self-loading rifle. Increased port control in the south of Brazil and better monitoring of shipping has also driven drug trafficking gangs to use fishing boats for transatlantic shipments directly from the north-east of Brazil, according to Dr Urbano. He said: "Fishing boats do not stay in port. They are away from the coast, so drugs are carried out to them. They are not supposed to make international trips, so there is not the control."The fishing boats, usually 15-20 metres long, have crews of three to seven people and are designed to operate within twenty miles of the coast. The quantity of cocaine carried by the boats typically ranges from 1.5 to four tonnes. Dr Urbano said: "The advantage of fishing boats is that they have a compartment for carrying 10 tonnes of ice. This is where cocaine and extra fuel are put." He added that he knows of six drug-running fishing boats that have sunk in the past five years. Sail boats that receive drugs at sea have also been used. Federal police have reported small planes dropping drugs at sea to be picked up.  

Another new development in drug trafficking involves fishing boats leaving Brazilian waters before transferring their cargo to boats from Spain. This proves particularly problematic for police, who may get information that a fishing boat has left their country's waters with drugs on board, but because the cargo is transferred to another boat, the arrival becomes harder to predict.  Federal police have said: "Because Brazil is known to send drugs, taking them to the Canary Islands or the coast of Africa is less suspicious. Ships transporting legal goods and cocaine leave Africa for Europe."  
The UN's 2005 World Drug Report says that Colombian traffickers importing cocaine to Spain use islands off the coast of Senegal and Mauritania. The report states: "Once reaching these islands, the cocaine is taken over by cannabis resin trafficking groups of Moroccan origin for export to southern Spain." Brazilian authorities say they have not come across Moroccan gangs picking up cocaine in Brazil.  

Southern Brazil  
An alternative route from the coca-producing countries into the south of Brazil has also been increasingly used since the law allowing planes to be shot down in Brazilian airspace was introduced. On this path, cocaine is typically transported from Colombia to Bolivia by air, then from Bolivia to Paraguay, before crossing into Brazil in trucks that typically carry 200-300 kg of drugs. Cocaine from this source that is destined for the international market tends to end up in southern ports such as Santos, in the state of Sao Paulo, or Paranagua, in the state of Parana, where large quantities are hidden among cargo on commercial ships.  Another trend that has come to the attention of federal police in the south of Brazil is criminal organisations, typically from the Philippines and Chile, using contacts on small commercial ships that travel abroad to traffic drugs. Quantities tend to be greater than the amounts carried by mules but less than quantities typically stowed on container ships.  
Couriers  
Cocaine sent on commercial ships can typically be measured in tonnes, while couriers or mules tend to carry kilograms of the drug. Dr Urbano said: "Traffic with mules is known as 'ant traffic'. It is small traffic that happens daily and bothers people, but it is not large amounts."  Brazilian police frequently speak of a "Nigerian connection" when referring to the criminal groups that organise mules orcouriers.According to a senior member of Rio de Janeiro's drug squad, these groups have been operating in the city since cocaine began arriving in the 1980s but have not moved into other areas of criminal activity.  

He said: "The Nigerians don't live in Rio de Janeiro. They are good looking, well dressed and they stay in Copacabana hotels. They mostly hire call girls to take small quantities of drugs, so they never suffer big losses. If the mules do not complete their trips on time, they die of overdose. It is very cruel. There have been many cases of girls who are scared of being arrested not saying anything if there is a flight delay. Typically they are aged 18-25 - 
recruitment is not a problem as they all leap at the chance to travel and earn money.

They are not sent to Nigeria but to South Africa, Palma, St Tropez, Nice or Barcelona, following the international jet set. They are poor, they need money, but the penalties are the same for them as the guys behind it."A member of airport control said that in the past many Nigerian traffickers would carry cocaine themselves and wear traditional African costumes. To avoid police suspicion, they moved to plain clothes, then started recruiting Brazilians and now typically use white Europeans to take drugs to Europe (often in containers rather than swallowed) and black Africans to take drugs to Africa (usually in the form of cocaine bullets that are swallowed).  In the last three years, it has become a trend for young European couriers to carry synthetic drugs to Brazil and return with cocaine. German traffickers recruiting and sending couriers from the Netherlands were cited as an example by Brazilian police. Aspiring Brazilian models are also being hired to transport ecstasy from Europe, although according to police they do not usually carry cocaine on their outward journey. If caught, a mule is typically sentenced to three to four years of detention.
Balkan 

In 2005, Nigerian traffickers based in Moscow and Warsaw were detained during operations to close cocaine smuggling routes. The cocaine travelling to Russia was reported to have been trafficked through Brazil or Venezuela, whereas the drugs seized in Poland were only said to have been of South American origin. According to the UN, various Balkan countries are also being used on the cocaine trail. Although there is no mention of the other countries featuring earlier on this route, Albania was identified as a point of entry for cocaine into 
Europe.  

Methods of bringing drugs aboard aircraft continue to evolve and Brazilian police are starting to apprehend smuggling gangs that use airport employees to pass drugs to couriers who have already been through security. At the end of October 2005, a smuggling ring was detected at Rio de Janeiro's international airport involving six employees from security and the cleaning services and a male African courier due to board a flight to the Netherlands. Just over 5.5 kg of cocaine was divided between sandals and a pair of women's underwear. Gino Liccione, a Brazilian federal prosecutor, said investigations had not uncovered that higher-level airport employees were involved.  

The ring was discovered after suspicious movements were picked up on the airport monitors. Liccione said: "The mule went into the bathroom and put the knickers on. The group kept coming together and separating and coming together. They were in one of the bar restaurants at the airport, so they thought no one would notice, but their movements attracted attention... They face five to 12 years in prison."  Liccione said that more traffickers are coming before the courts, a fact he attributes to better police work apprehending more traffickers and authorities clamping down on known routes. He said: "Very often traffickers will send a mule with 2 kg to distract the attention of the authorities while they get a bigger quantity through. So each time they pick someone up, the trafficker starts dispersing more couriers. We see more and more people with smaller quantities as traffickers try to get some drugs through and try to distract attention."  

Just as increased control in Brazil's southern seaports drove traffickers to develop an alternative outlet in the north-east, increased control in airports has led traffickers to relocate 
their operations. The former Portuguese colony of Cape Verde has been identified by
Brazilian police as a strategic stop-off point for drugs travelling from the northeast of Brazil to
Africa and Europe.  The Cape Verde islands, which lie 600 km off the Senegalese coast,are only three hours from the north-east of Brazil by plane and up to 20 charter flights  leave every week during the summer, say the federal police. They say that drug quantities passing                through the major airports of Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro have fallen, while in the last few years the number of flights from the north-east has increased. Urbano said: "Seventy per cent of mules going to Africa with drugs pass through Brazil. In the north-eastern airports of Salvador, Recife and Fortaleza, control is not as tight."

After gaining independence, Cape Verde,with a police force that lacked training, was vulnerable to traffickers. A developing tourism industry in the islands helped make this a suitable transit point as hotels were built. Portugal is the islands' major trading partner.The route is thought to have been open for around 10 years. Control is being tightened in Brazil's north-eastern airports and the Brazilian government has agreed to sponsor a three  month training programme for three members of the Cape Verde police force. The training will allow them to introduce new measures including the use of sniffer dogs.

Links to Southern Africa  
More than half of all the cocaine seized at Brazilian airports (52.3 per cent) is destined for Africa. Europe is second with 37.1 per cent. The majority of apprehended couriers were South Americans (52.3 per cent), followed by Africans (34.7 per cent) and then Europeans (10.4 per cent).  
Drug Mule
A senior member of theBrazilian federal police said:" The importance of South Africa is demonstrated by the increase in the number of people carrying drugs." Of nearly a tonne of 
cocaine seized on the African continent in 2003, more than three quarters (777 kg) was found in South Africa, followed by Nigeria with 135 kg.However, many countries did not report their drug seizures to the UN, and some amounts reported seem unrealistically small. 

Togo,possible stop off for cocaine trafficked among sea freight, reported less than 2 kg
of cocaine seizures. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime reported in 2002 that mostof the Andean produced cocaine that reaches South Africa leaves Venezuela or Brazil before travelling to South Africa, either directly or via another African country. Initially, most cocaine was couriered by mules (which are still believed to be the dominant mode of smuggling cocaine into South Africa) travelling directly from Sao Paulo to Johannesburg, but as the authorities clamped down on this route, other routes, through Cape Town, for example, were developed.  The 2005 UN World Drug Report speaks of the "rising importance" of cocaine shipments from the Andean region through western Africa to Europe. The report states: "In this case, the route goes from the Andean region to Brazil and then to countries of southern Africa and increasingly to countries of western Africa (Nigeria and other countries located around the Gulf of Guinea), from where cocaine is trafficked by couriers to various European countries. 

The trade is often organised by crime groups in western Africa. This diversion of the traditional trafficking route seems to be linked to better controls in the Netherlands (notably the port of Rotterdam and the airport of Schiphol) and along the northern cost of Spain."  South Africa became increasingly viable as a trafficking route following the end of apartheid and the growth of international trade links, particularly with regard to sea freight to traditional cocaine entry points into Europe, such as Spain. Relaxed border controls and a burgeoning tourism industry, with associated flights and hotels, combined with the development of communications and banking networks, have provided the necessary infrastructure for drug trafficking.  In 2002, UNODC's representative for southern Africa, Rob Boone, described the countryasan"important link" in the international in gand organised crime network,with the"additional burden of serving as the regional hub". In 2001, Frank Msutu, the head of Harare Interpol Subregional Bureau and the Southern African Police Chiefs Co-operation Organisation (SARPCCO) Secretariat, said: "Heroin, hashish and mandrax from the east and cocaine from the west are seen to be converging in South Africa before moving north toEurope."

The use of cocaine has increased dramatically in South Africa. Arrests for dealing cocaine in Gauteng, Cape Town and Durban more than doubled between 1997 and 2001 to between 23 and 33 per cent of total drug-dealing arrests. Cocaine's far-cheaper derivative, crack cocaine, has moved into urban areas.  South African authorities, including the police, have said that West African gangs handle 80 per cent of South Africa's cocaine trade. The UNODC has stated that additional reports from authorities show a "strong correlation between the migration of Nigerian nationals into South Africa starting in 1992 and the introduction of high-quality cocaine". Only a very small percentage of Nigerian immigrants to South Africa have become involved in the drug trade, and some reports suggest this group is blamed unfairly. Brazilian law enforcement agencies have reported that African traffickers include Nigerians, Kenyans and, in the last ten years, Mozambicans and Angolans, a list that matches the profile of those involved in the South African drug trade.  Portuguese-speaking Mozambique and Angola share a language link with Brazil, and the US Department of State has said that the countries have been used to ship limited amounts of cocaine. The traffic of cocaine through Angola is again in the hands of Nigerian groups. Angolans and weapons from the Angolan civil war have been found among Rio de Janeiro's drug distribution gangs, though a senior member of the city's drug squad said this only concerns a small number of youths and that they have not become involved with international trafficking.  

In September 2005, Mozambique was the first African nation with which the Brazilian Ministry of External Relations held bilateral talks regarding transnational crime. The ministry said that traffickers' use of an air route from Brazil to Mozambique was growing in 2004 but has now been brought under control. Mozambican gangs typically pay Mozambican women USD2,000-3,000 to carry cocaine, often on flights that pass through Portugal or South Africa. Containers in which drugs are hidden among legal products are also being used by Mozambican gangs.  Other neighbouring countries, such as Botswana and Zimbabwe, have also been used by traffickers. Couriers flying from Brazil to Harare via Johannesburg before smuggling the cocaine back into South Africa overland were reported by South African police in 2001. Brazilian police say another indirect route into South Africa was detected around two years later. Couriers operating on behalf of a Nigerian gang travelled to South Africa via Lisbon or Switzerland, not leaving the airport. 

In this last case, the Brazilian police said they believed the couriers were supplying demand from the domestic South African market, where cocaine has only around half the market value it commands in Europe, after direct routes from South America had come under increasing suspicion from the authorities.  While Brazilian police say that container ships leaving ports such as Santos are under suspicion, they raise concerns that cargo ships plying the African coast or travelling indirectly to Europe are not as likely to be subjected to extensive police searches. Brazilian police also cite lack of control over ships arriving in some African countries. Timber, which has been a popular cargo in which to hide cocaine shipped from Brazil, is among the South African products sent to Europe by sea.  

Counter trafficking measures
Brazil's federal police have adopted a new anti-narcotics strategy since 2002. In line with UN
recommendations, the creation in 2004 of the Department to Combat Organised Crime
(DCOR) has resulted in a shift from targeting the small-scale, poorer criminals who were
filling Brazil's already packed jails to focusing on more sophisticated trafficking groups. Getulio Bezerra Santos, the director of DCOR, said that information-sharing and investigations are two areas in need of improvement if organised crime is to be combated effectively in the country.
The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime's (UNODC) representative for Brazil and the South Cone, Giovanni Quaglia, said that the creation of a database that will enable authorities to compare investments and purchases to see if property and monetary assets are in line with tax declarations is a positive development. He said: "Big money is made through sophisticated crime such as money laundering and smuggling... In the formal sector it is quite difficult to launder money, but 50 per cent of the economy is in the informal sector, where money laundering is much easier."  

In addition, the UNODC has been working with Brazil's Ministry of Justice to expand and modernise the Integrated National System for Information on Justice and Public Security (INFOSEG). There has been a problem with information-sharing among different police forces (federal, civil and military) in Brazil's 27 states. The UNODC says this new system should improve the situation. To allow online background checks to be run, INFOSEG merges data from public security authorities, the judiciary and the army. Quaglia said: "Of course, you can only compare data if the state police enter the data. But this has improved as they have begun to see the benefits."  

Corruption remains a problem in the police forces. Gino Liccione, a Brazilian federal prosecutor, said: "In Brazil, there is a lot of proximity between the police and the traffickers. Very often there is someone inside the police who informs them."  Another problem cited by Brazilian authorities tackling international drug smugglers is a lack of co-operation from foreign counterparts, particularly with regard to information-sharing. Liccione argues that this prevents the multi-country structures that support international trafficking from being dismantled and limits arrests to couriers or mules.  
Brazilian federal prosecutors cite the US and Switzerland as examples of countries that provide useful information through international co-operation, particularly in the field of money laundering.  Quaglia says that "very little" foreign funding is provided to help Brazil tackle international trafficking. He says that USD6 million is provided by the US and USD1 million by Europe. Federal police add that more is needed from the Brazilian Government.  'Project Cobra', a border operation with Colombia designed to prevent cocaine traffickers from setting up production sites on Brazilian territory, has proved successful according to federal police and is now being extended along the border with other countries. Under the scheme, the countries share police stations at strategic entry and exit points. 

This is said to allow valuable information-sharing.  Describing a lack of change seen in the flow of cocaine through Brazil since Plan Colombia began, Ronaldo Urbano noted: "Even with the decrease in Colombia and the increases in Peru and Bolivia there are still around 50,000 less hectares. There are two possibilities for reaching demand. One hectare should produce six kilograms a year, but maybe more than six kilograms is being produced in some areas. Another possibility is that in Brazil in the last three years dealers have been mixing cocaine more."  Increasing amounts of "mixed" cocaine are being found on the streets of Rio de Janeiro indicating there may have been a reduction in the supply. It is typically cut with a dental anaesthetic to mimic the drug's effect on the user (cocaine was used as an anaesthetic in the 1800s and early 1900s) or fruit salts, although exported cocaine tends to be pure.  

Political unrest in Bolivia in 2005, when parts of the country were effectively sealed off as demonstrators blocked roads, is given as a possible reason for the increase in production as there may have been less control over plantations. Cocaine from Bolivia is of a lower quality than Colombian cocaine, possibly because of the control over precursor chemicals or more basic labs, and it tends to end up as crack cocaine in small cities in the interior of Brazil rather than being exported.

Guyana Connection

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Ricardo ‘Fatman’ Rodrigues
The recent seizure of liquid cocaine bound for Africa shows that Guyana continues to be an important transit country for cocaine destined for the United States, Canada, the Caribbean,Europe and West Africa. Cocaine originating in Colombia is smuggled to Venezuela and onward to Guyana by sea (fishing vessels, bulk cargo vessels and tug vessels) or air. Because porous borders, smuggling is also conducted by land from Brazil and Suriname into Guyana. Once cocaine arrives in Guyana, it is often concealed in legitimate commodities and smuggled via commercial maritime vessels, air shipments, human couriers, or the postal services.

Drug trafficking organizations based in Guyana are beginning to use neighbouring Suriname as a major distribution hub. The cocaine is smuggled into Guyana and then transported to Suriname for safekeeping and distribution. Approximately 352kg of cocaine was seized in 2011. As a result  of these seizures,Guyanese authorities have case spending prosecution against 16 mid-level and senior drug traffickers. As a matter of policy, the Government of Guyana does not encourage or facilitate the illicit production or distribution of narcotics .News media, however, report on allegations of corruption; some reports have implicated police personally in stealing drugs from seizures, while others point to high government officials who are not investigated and thus go unpunished.
'Roger' Khan (centre)

Guyana Players
Ricardo ‘Fatman’ Rodrigues, was executed by a five-man squad in broad daylight on a quiet Monday afternoon on 15th October in Georgetown. He had been released on bail following his arrest over the discovery of an arms cache in the Rupununi that contained ten automatic and assault rifles, hand grenades, hundreds of rounds of ammunition and other items. Rodrigues is a close associate of Guyanese Shaheed 'Roger' Khan who has been jailed in the United States for cocaine trafficking. 

Before he was caught in neighbouring Suriname, Khan had publicly claimed responsibility for preventing the then Bharrat Jagdeo administration from being toppled by heavily armed gangs and sections of the security forces. Khan has been repeatedly singled out by the political opposition as being a key-player in alleged state-sponsored death squads that had hunted armed gangs. Government Minister, Dr. Leslie Ramsammy has vehemently denied authorising the sale of sophisticated mobile phone tapping and user-location equipment that had been found in Khan's possession. At the time of Khan's arrest, wire tapped recordings of voices purportedly of then Police Commissioner, Winston Felix and Peoples National Congress executive member, Basil Williams had surfaced and used by the government to justify its claim that there had been political-security links in the crime-spree.

Jean Le Blanc, a Canadian from Montreal with mob ties, who was shot at the same time as Rodrigues, died mysteriously in hospital on 26th October. Marlon ‘Trini” Osbourne, Rodrigues’s personal bodyguard, was executed on 31st October in broad daylight in the quiet ward of Queenstown, Georgetown by a squad of gunmen.

The link between narco-trafficking and gun-running is clear. It is evident also, that drugs and guns have been contributing to murders during the People’s Progressive Party Civic’s 20-year administration. The Guyana Police Force recorded 114 murders so far in 2012. Nine of these were ‘executions’ which might have been related to the narcotics trade. Armed robberies, which increased by 15 per cent to 854 – a rate of nearly three per day – are partly the result of more fire power on the street which accompanies drug-running.

The United States is seeking Barry Dataram for cocaine smuggling offences, but has been unable to secure his provisional arrest because the extradition treaty between Guyana and the US contains a proviso which allows the US to extradite to third countries. Dataram came up on the radar after the kidnapping of his wife, Sheleza, and their three-year-old daughter in December 2007 by two Venezuelans, one of whom was later shot dead in a confrontation with the police. Dataram was then arrested and had been detained by police beyond the 72 hours that the law allows a person to be held in custody before being charged. His lawyers subsequently approached the court with a habeas corpus writ but police asked for an extension to conclude their investigation into the kidnapping, which they said was drug-related.
Barry Dataram 

They ought to explain why the Guyana Government has been “engaged in discussion” with the US administration about the establishment of a United States Drug Enforcement Agency Office in Guyana for over 12 years without reaching agreement while Barbados, Suriname and Trinidad opened DEA offices!
Marlon ‘Trini” Osbourne

The country’s two existing counter-narcotics agencies “ Customs Anti-Narcotics Unit and Police Narcotics Branch – have never been provided with the surveillance aircraft, river and coastal patrol boats, all-terrain vehicles and trained personnel needed to secure the country’s main international transit points, coasts and borders. They seem incapable of identifying, much less investigating, the major drug cartels that have the ability to keep the trade going.


Vic Puran and Barry
The same day as Ricardo ‘Fatman’ Rodrigues was killed high profile lawyer  Vic Puran died in a mysterious accident.  His car was found early the next morning. He had apparently lost control of the car and it ran into the trench. Vic had represented several defendants charged with cocaine trafficking including Dataram, who is currently missing.

A ex police commissioner was also mentioned in a confidential US embassy report by the DEA . Greene’s name has appeared repeatedly in reports from various USG agencies  “U.S. law enforcement has reliable reports from multiple sources that Henry Greene has benefited from, and continues to benefit from, the proceeds of drug trafficking.”
A month before Vic's ill fated car accident ex police chief Green also had a car accident which turned out to be fatal.


 In 2006 the Agriculture Minister Satyadeo Sawh was assassined in a home invasion robbery, according to a leaked US embassy report Sawh was said to be close with a certain Salim Azeez, a suspected money launderer and alien smuggler. Azeez financed a fish farm, Newline Aqua Farm, which appears to be a money laundering operation. Azeez was previously arrested with several Guyanese and U.S. passports but later was acquitted of wrongdoing. 
Salim,Tameka and Fat Boy

The cartels continue landing foreign aircraft and even constructing illegal airstrips that can accommodate foreign cocaine cargo planes. The Guyanese public has had to learn, quite by chance, every now and then over the past 20 years, of illegal flights of strange foreign aircraft; of low-flying aircraft which dropped 20 cartons of cocaine at Loo Lands, on the Demerara River, in June 1993.

The burnt-out aircraft ‘discovered’ on the airstrip at Bartica in December 1998; of another burnt-out aircraft ‘discovered’ at Mabura Hill in July 2000; of the abandoned aircraft at Kwapau airstrip in March 2005 and of the discovery of a burn-out aeroplane on an illegal airstrip at Wanatoba, 130 km upriver from Orealla on the Corentyne River, in December 2007.
Henry Greene





Are You A Bleacher?

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The wolof expression “Khess Petch” means “all white.” It is also the name of a brand new skin whitening cream that has been advertised throughout Dakar in the past few days. The large placards in the streets of Dakar promise that the "Khess Petch" cream will brighten your skin in 15 days. To support this claim, the advertisements show "before" and "after" pictures of a woman using the “miracle product.”

The cream, however, was quickly being condemned on social media. An online petition urging the Ministry of Health to end the advertising campaign launched on September 8 and gathered more than 1,000 signatures in four days. The cream’s critics, who include dermatologists, warn that the cream contains a strong corticosteroid, clobetasol propionate, an ingredient that dermatologists say should only be prescribed by health professionals in cases of serious skin diseases.

Unlike those countries where skin whitening creams are illegal, like Europe and the U.S., skin whitening in Africa and Asia is not taboo — quite the contrary, in fact. Being fair-skinned in Senegal means being beautiful and successful. TV presenters, celebrities, and even political women who whiten their skin continue to perpetrate this fad, despite the well-known harmful effects of these products. 

"We are used to seeing adverts for skin-lightening, but when we first saw these adverts for Khess Petch we were really scandalised. We decided to act," said Aisha Deme, manager of an online events website in the Senegalese capital, Dakar.

"Society is constantly telling us that fair-skinned women are beautiful – in the media, on TV – and Senegalese women have started to believe it," Deme added. "So we want to show that dark-skinned women are really beautiful, and that natural black skin should be celebrated."

Deme is co-ordinating a campaign called Ñuul Kukk– which means "pitch black" in local language Wolof – and has attracted thousands of supporters on Facebook.

"There are expensive face-lightening creams which are less dangerous, but products like Khess Petch are very cheap and very dangerous – they are deliberately targeted at women in the villages and the poor urban areas," said Deme. "Even when they discover the side-effects and want to stop using the creams, they find they cannot stop. It's only when you stop that the skin changes and begins to become completely burned."

If black is beautiful, why do black women bleach?
Some black women bleach and bleach until it gets to the point where their skin begins actually begins to peel off with black spots developing all over their bodies. 

However, it is important to draw our attention to the fact that it is not only black women who bleach; black men bleach as well. Many women and men spend so much money on expensive body lotions to make them look whiter. The real question is what factors motivate black people to bleach?  Many people say black is beautiful, yet why do some black women and men want to look white?

A few years ago Merrick Andrew published an article. Merrick shared some interesting thoughts about why black people bleach. According to Merrick, there is a general perception that the fairer you are, the more successful you become, either socially, economically and romantically.

For instance, about 7 out of 10 men are most likely to pick up a girl of fair complexion compared to a one of a darker complexion  if both of them stand the chance of being equally beautiful. 

An 18 year old teenager was interviewed and she was asked why she uses skin lightening creams. Her reply was, “white people get the better things in life, yes. You have a lot of advantages when you are white.” This is funny. If a black woman were bleach, does it make her a white person?
A study in Senegal found that women associate fair skin tone with elegance, beauty and a higher social status. And in the Tanzanian study, many participants felt that their lighter skinned peers have higher status, income, education, job opportunities, as well as more friends. These women are not deluded; misguided, definitely, but not deluded. They see the evidence around them. It is not surprising then that some “darker skinned people are often envious of those with lighter skin and attempt to achieve the same status by engaging in skin-lightening practices.”
 India Arie
A recent study by the University of Cape Town hints that one woman in three in South Africa bleaches her skin. The reasons for this are as varied as the cultures in the country but most people say they use skin-lighteners because they want “white skin,”.

One such woman is musician Nomasonto “Mshoza” Mnisi. Now several shades lighter, she says her new skin makes her feel more beautiful and confident.But skin-lightening is not just a fascination and obsession of women, Congolese hair stylist Jackson Marcelle says he has been using special injections to bleach his skin for the past 10 years. Each injection lasts for six months.

“I pray every day and I ask God, ‘God why did you make me black?’ I don’t like being black. I don’t like black skin,” he says. Mr Marcelle – known as Africa’s Michael Jackson – says his mother used to apply creams on him when he was young in order to make him appear “less black.”

“I like white people. Black people are seen as dangerous; that’s why I don’t like being black. People treat me better now because I look like I’m white,” he adds.



Bleach To The Rhythm 
According to the World Health Organisation, 77% of Nigerian women use skin lightening products on a regular basis, as do 59% in Togo, 35% in South Africa, 27% in Senegal and 25% in Mali. These products are also used in Zimbabwe, Ivory Coast, Gambia and Tanzania. 

There is some evidence of a system of privilege, discrimination and hierarchies based on social meanings attached to skin tone in Africa before contact with Europeans in the 16th century, but part of the process of creating an European empire was to define the European self in contrast to everyone else. How could you justify dominating and enslaving other people if you didn't tell yourself you were better in every way? Europeans placed themselves at the pinnacle of the human race and dark-skinned at the very bottom. To be black was to be primitive, backward, inferior, dirty, ugly, evil, devilish, deviant, corrupt and unappealing, while to be white was to be virtuous, beautiful, refined, humane, intelligent and godly. 
Lil Kim

By the nineteenth century, spurious scientific "evidence"  was being produced to support this dichotomy, thereby providing an ideological justification for colonialism. It also provided a means of control: tell the lighter-skinned black Africans that they are more beautiful, intelligent and industrious than their darker-skinned brothers and sisters, and soon you will create divisions that make control easier.

According to Wikipedia, colonial mentality occurs "when a foreign colonial or imperial power is too strong to be effectively resisted, the colonised population often has no other immediate option than to accept the rule of the foreigners as an inescapable reality of life. As time progresses, the colonised indigenous people-natives would perceive the differences between the foreigners and themselves, between the foreigners' ways and the native ways. This would then sometimes lead the natives to mimic the foreigners that are in power as they began to associate that power and success with the foreigners' ways. This eventually leads to the foreigners' ways being regarded as the better way and being held in a higher esteem than previous indigenous ways.
People who embrace the bleaching syndrome seem to internalise the negative messages about Blackness brownness  and so desire to be like the dominant other.  Skin-lightening is a problem, but it's only really a sign of much deeper inter-related issues, namely, self-hatred, a race-based identity crisis, and the internalisation of western-created cultural ideas that are inimical to the mental health of people of colour  everywhere. At least with hair weaves and fake accents (other manifestations of an identity crisis), no one is in danger of kidney damage, or damage to the nervous system, or skin rashes, skin discolouration and scarring, or reduction in the skin’s resistance to bacterial and fungal infections. And, rather than the practice dying out as African economies boom, it is reportedly on the rise (partly thanks to increasing urbanization).

Our thinking seems to be: the darker we are the more "African" we are, which wouldn't be a problem if some of us didn't think there was something wrong with being African. Why do we think that?  This internalised form of racism is an invisible presence in our psyches, and some of us don't even realise it's a factor in how we perceive ourselves and others. Thus, for instance, black guys (not only in Africa) think their attraction to light-skinned girls is just a matter of taste, and some who lighten their skin can't articulate why they do so beyond saying that it's just prettier, as though skin lightening were akin to putting on lipstick. It's a matter of identity, self-worth and self-acceptance, that, in some respects, is even existential. 

Skin lightening, a practice that has affected many women of colour and  has a powerful historical basis in African American communities. Pre-emancipation, lighter-skinned slaves were given less degrading work and were valued more highly by white slave owners   Following the abolishment of slavery, lighter skinned black people comprised the “Negro elite” in American society.  African American women began carefully construct a physical appearance that mirrored western concepts of beauty largely through straightening their hair, but equally as important in bleaching their skin. Skin lightening occurs in Asian and Latino cultures as well. As often happens with issues of appearance, women faced the greatest burden of this pressure to be light.  
Niki Manji

Skin bleaching advertisements directed at women of colour often carried images of white-looking women.  Ads insisted that black women could increase their social popularity and sexual desirability with a “whitened complexion” through products like Snow White Bleaching Cream.  Readers were inundated with promises of lighter, brighter, whiter skin, along with warnings that make-up cannot hide a “poor” complexion and “dark colour problems.”
The the idea of lighter being better is actually reinforced by some parents today, but the most powerful way this message is reinforced is through consumer culture and global mass media. The mass media form for us our image of the world. The images they present and how these images are presented subliminally and yet profoundly affect the way in which we interpret what we see or hear. Even our images of ourselves is greatly influenced by what media shows us about our own group. People who lighten their skin and those who associate light skin with positive virtues and dark skin with negative ones aren't stupid. They just don't have the psychological resources to withstand and deluge of images they are presented with every day. Thousands of images from magazines, TV, film, ads, and the news, all equating light skin with beauty, affluence, happiness and success, and portraying dark-skinned black people as aggressive, unintelligent, criminals, crude, lazy, etc.

Alek Wek (South Sudan/UK), Ajuma Nasenyana (Kenya),and Eunice Olumide (Nigeria) are just two of the tiny handful of high-profile dark-skinned models on the international stage, but as Eunice says, “… it is still rare to see a very dark-skinned model on the cover of a magazine. I’d love that to change.”
Most of the foreign media and movies consumed in sub-Saharan Africa are from America and Europe, so we take in these images and mimic the practice of colourism in our own ads and magazines. We see which black women are considered beautiful by the mass media, we see that the black models and singers who are making it are mostly lighter-skinned – Rihanna, Beyoncé, etc., we see which actresses get to play love-interest roles and which ones get relegated to bit parts, and we see which ones make it to the A lists. We echo the message we receive and perpetuate the system that excludes dark skin from the spectrum of beauty.

We see pictures of Obama and we see don't just see a black man, but a mixed-race, light-skinned black man. Some argue that the beauty ideal is shifting from white to a more cafe-au-lait-complexion, and that this is demonstrated by the fact that women like Beyoncé, Halle Berry and Jennifer Lopez now routinely top some of these "most beautiful" lists. But what seems to have happened there is that the previous practice of promoting only white women as beautiful was simply not sustainable when a significant proportion of the global consumer population was clearly non-white, so the parameters were widened to include a handful of non-white women who are not too many skin tones away from being white.


For dark-skinned black people, being excluded in this manner says black is not beautiful, and the epitome of beauty is a light-skinned person, so this is what you should aspire to if you're dark-skinned. It says it from every billboard, magazine cover, TV ad, packaged product on the shelf, and film thousands of times a day. Every day. So we continue to be socialised into accepting light skin (and straight hair) as defining standards of black beauty. We continue to succumb to - and create - images that reinforce a psychologically-damaging message
If women in Africa are more susceptible to this than men, it is merely because women are judged much more heavily on the basis of appearance. Men are more likely to be considered valuable when they have wealth, education and other forms of human capital, while women are considered valuable when they are physically attractive, even if they lack other capital. Flick through those magazines and you'll find that the women featured are almost always a few shades lighter than the men. Black men don't need to be light-skinned to be worth paying any attention, but black women do.

A Global Multi-Billion Dollar Industry
Skin lightening products account for nearly half of the cosmetics industry and are in high demand in Asia, Africa and the Caribbean. 

The market for skin lightening products is projected to be worth $10bn in global sales by 2015, driven by new markets in Africa and sustained growth in Asia-Pacific, the skin lightening market offers huge room for expansion although  the chemicals used in them can cause health defects such as scarring of the skin, or even cancer.

The Surinamese take a different approach to skin lightening. Instead of chemicals, some parents advice their kids to marry a white person to "tone down the black". Such parents have been known to pinch and massage the nostrils of their babies to prevent them from becoming flared. Marry lighter, get better hair and a finer nose. 

You will find this sort of thinking among the descendants of city Creoles, the ones who lived close to their previous colonial masters, the Dutch. Interestingly, the descendants of the Lowermang, which means "runaway slaves" remain proud of their culture, traditions, and African roots. They're the ones who still understand the dialect of their forefathers, and would be able to converse with Ghanaians if you dropped them in the middle of Accra today.

In Brazil, individuals with lighter skin and who are racially mixed generally have higher rates of social mobility, and dark skinned people are more likely to be discriminated against. Most South American actors and actresses have mostly European features - light or light-mixed eyes, protruding narrow noses, straight hair and/or pale skin. So there's pressure for dark-skinned Brazilians to lighten their skin, too.

Colonial mentality reigns across Asia, too. On any given day, the poolside of the Yogyakarta Hyatt Regency Hotel in Indonesia swims with pasty, Vitamin-D-deprived European and American flesh. As the Westerners cook themselves brown, a hundred meters down the street, at the Michael Jackson Whitening House, Indonesian men and women pay exorbitant fees to have their dark skin scrubbed, scraped and burned away with exotic chemicals.

Here, in this two-story, art-deco “skincare laboratory,” clients are sold a dream: The promise of brightness, lightness and, eventually — if they continue the treatment for long enough — whiteness.

The Michael Jackson Whitening House is just one of several salons and clinics in this student-filled city of half a million in Central Java that offers skin-whitening treatments. The salons, which are most popular with the city’s wealthy and young elite, offer a more extreme version of skincare that is already commonplace in Indonesia. In supermarkets and drug stores here, major brands offer a vast selection of skin-lightening products, from soap to lotions to “restorative” face masks that promise astonishing results.

“I just feel more beautiful when I’m looking white,” said 21-year-old Dian Pertiwi Sulistianingtyas, who said she visits a whitening salon twice a month for cosmetic lightening facials. “Every day we see these people on television – actors, musicians, people like that – they always look so beautiful, so white!”
Most Indian actors and actresses have light skin, and the Indian obsession with light skin recently reached a new low with a campaign for a product to lighten the skin around your vagina. As a result, the Indian whitening cream market is expanding at a rate of nearly 18% a year. The country's largest research agency, AC Nielsen, estimates that figure will rise to about 25% this year - and the market will be worth an estimated $432m, an all-time high. With the Indian middle class expected to increase 10-fold to 583 million people by 2025, it looks as if things will only get better for the cream makers.


John Abraham, a top Indian actor and model, says: "Indian men want to look better."

And he should know. The market is booming like never before. Launched way back in 1978, Hindustan Unilever's Fair & Lovely is the leader in women's lightening skincare, while Calcutta's Emami group leads the male equivalent with its brand, Fair And Handsome. The company calls this brand - launched in 2005 - the world's number one fairness cream. It achieved sales of $13m in 2008-09 and has Shah Rukh Khan, another Bollywood superstar, as its brand ambassador.

In the West, tanned complexions represent youth and beauty; in China, however, pale, white skin is the hallmark of a glamorous woman. This deep-rooted ideal has been the foundation of the skin-whitening business. Get white" messages are inescapable in this part of the world. Ghostly, white faces fill the scenes of popular Chinese TV dramas. Pale Chinese models peer from the pages of glossy magazines, pout on billboards and in cinema advertisements. And pamphlets with bleached faces jostle for counter space at local department stores. Models tout products such as Blanc Expert, White-Plus, White-Light, Future White Day, Blanc Purete, Fine Fairness, Active White, White Perfect and Snow UV.

"Skin whitening has a long history in Asia, stemming back to ancient China. And the saying 'one white covers up one hundred ugliness' was passed through the generations," says Li Yanbing,

Dale Preston, managing director of retail measurement for consultant Nielsen Greater China, says whitening products are the key segment of the skin care market in China. It makes up nearly 30% of the total skin care market in China. Chinese consumers are big users of facial whitening products, with facial care accounting for over 80% of market.

Euromonitor International, another independent strategy research company, says China's market for whitening products is expected to grow. In its report released this year, L'Oreal was the clear leader in skin care in China in 2010, accounting for 16% overall market share.

Annual sales of L'Oreal China broke the 1 billion euros ($1.35 bn) mark for the first time in 2010, becoming the French cosmetics company's third largest market in the world with double-digit growth for the 10th consecutive year. 

Skin To Die For
Would you use a cream or soap that may have the following long-term side effects – skin cancer, liver damage, kidney damage or poisoning?

In 2003, Dr. S. Allen Counter, a professor of neurophysiology and neurology at Harvard Medical School questioned why it was mostly women who were dealing with increased rates of mercury poisoning in places like Mexico, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and even in the Southwestern United States

In every case, clinical questioning revealed that the women had used skin-whitening creams — many for years. In other words, these women had tried so desperately to whiten their skin colour that they had poisoned their bodies by applying mercury-based “beauty creams.”

Ninety percent of the women entering border clinics in Arizona with mercury poisoning were Mexican-American, and they like their Mexican counterparts had been using skin-whitening creams such as “Crema de Belleza-Manning,” which is manufactured in Mexico. These skin-whitening creams contain mercurous chloride, which is readily absorbed through the skin.
Saudi, African, and Asian women were also using these skin-bleaching chemicals in a tragic attempt to change their appearance to that of white women.


Why do we have colour in our skin? 
There are three reasons for the colour of our skin: 

The cells contained within the dermis and epidermis provide a natural yellow, white colour 
Superficial blood vessels provide a blue or red tint determined by oxygen content 
Melanin produced by melanocytes scattered within the basal layer of the skin

It is this third point which determines how dark a persons skin is; more melanin production results in darker skin. Melanin has another key function - it plays a major protective role. It is the skins own natural protection from the harmful ultra violet rays of the sun. Without it the skin is extremely vulnerable and we would have to cover exposed skins with sun screen or risk a greater chance of developing skin cancer. 


How skin lightening products work 
There are two chemicals found in skin lightening products, Hydroquinone or Mercury. 

Hydroquinone (C6H6O2) is the biological equivalent of paint stripper or bleach and is a severely toxic and very powerful chemical used in photo processing, the manufacture of rubber and is an active agent in hair dyes. 

Mercury in the form of Mercury Chloride & Ammoniated Mercury is carcinogenic. They appear on the list of toxic substances that can only be purchased via pharmacies with prescribed labels of toxicity. 

Both products perform a similar process. In the short term they will initially cause the skin to lighten by inhibiting the production of melanin. Without melanin formation in the basal layer no brown pigmentation will be visible.

The long term effects of using skin lightening products 
Hydroquinone or Mercury applied to the skin will react with ultra violet rays and re-oxidise, leading to more pigmentation and premature ageing. More product is then applied in an attempt to correct the darker blotchy appearance. These are the beginnings of a vicious cycle. By altering the skins natural structure and inhibiting the production of Melanin, it’s natural protection, the skin is more susceptible to skin cancer. Prolonged use of Hydroquinone will thicken collegen fibres damaging the connective tissues. The result is rough blotchy skin leaving it with a spotty cavier appearance. 

Mercury will slowly accumulate within the skin cells striping the skin of it’s natural pigment leaving behind the tell tale signs of gray/ blue pigmentation in the folds of the skin. In the long term the chemical will damage vital organs and lead to liver and kidney failure and mercury poisoning. With high-potency topical steroids used for a long time you can get suppression of the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal system. And with that suppression you can get these endocrine problems like Cushing’s disease and diabetes.

Long-term hydroquinone use can lead to a paradoxical increased pigmentation of the skin known as exogenous ochronosis. Other serious complications include loss of skin elasticity and impaired wound healing. The use of corticosteroids is associated with ophthalmologic, endocrinologic and cutaneous complications. These include glaucoma and cataracts, hypertension, diabetes mellitus, allergic contact dermatitis, eczema, atrophy of the skin and bacterial, viral and fungal infections.  Murcurials have been banned in some countries, including South Africa and Europe after they were recognized as toxic. They have proven “to be nephrotoxic via the absorption of mercury through the skin following repeated applications. Mercury poisoning may manifest in a range of symptoms including psychiatric, neurological, and kidney problems.

Consumers become dependent on skin-lighteners, because of increased re-pigmentation. They feel pressure to continue using skin-lightening creams over long periods in order to maintain their newly acquired lighter skin tone.  An attempt to discontinue use may also result in an “immediate flare-up of unsightly rashes,” further discouraging users to discontinue use. Due to the stigma shrouding the use of skin-lightening products, users suffering from withdrawal signs and symptoms are more likely to rebound and continue use rather than to seek medical attention.
The list of side effects of the steroid corticosteroid is long. The most serious is Cushing's disease, a malfunction of the adrenal glands leading to an overproduction of cortisol. Other side effects include:

Damage to vital organs
Liver and kidney failure 
Increased appetite and weight gain
Deposits of fat in chest, face, upper back, and stomach
Swelling
Slowed healing of wounds
Osteoporosis
Cataracts
Acne
Muscle weakness
Thinning of the skin
Mood swings 
Stretch marks across the body 
Onset of diabetes, or worsening of existing diabetes
High blood pressure
Glaucoma 
Reduced growth in children
increased risk of infection
Hyperglycemia
Insulin resistance
Depression
Colitis
Hypertension
Erectile dysfunction
Hypogonadism
Hypothyroidism
Amenorrhoea
Retinopathy.
Increased risk of cancer
Increased risk of adrenal gland problems
Symptoms characteristic of low-dose mercury exposure for fetuses, infants, and children, the primary health effect of methylmercury is impaired neurological development.  

Methyl-mercury exposure in the womb, which can result from a mother using whitening products that contain methyl-mercury, can adversely affect a baby's growing brain and nervous system. Impacts on cognitive thinking, memory, attention, language, and fine motor and visual spatial skills have been seen in children exposed to methyl-mercury in the womb.

''America is the only country in the world where you can be born poor and black and die white and rich''                           RIP Michael Jackson

Inside A $1 Billion West African Cocaine Cartel

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The mystical Baobab Island is located in a serene setting next to Kuloro, in the Farasuto Forest, among the few remaining and now isolated forest patches left in the whole of the Gambia.  A businessman called Rudy Rasoe Hamid Ghazi had just paid 250,000 Euros to rent the whole island for a year, he had informed the locals that his investors were wealthy Spanish hoteliers that were going to convert the run down hotel into a world class eco-resort. The inhabitants from the village of Kuloro were promised jobs and additional tourists who would help to revitalize the local economy. 

This was a welcome addition to help boost a non existent  economy where the the  minimum wage is just $1.75 a day for unskilled labour and unemployment is running at over 60%. Ghazi was it seemed well connected  in The Gambia and was a successful businessman in The Gambia. 

Rudy Rasoe Hamid Ghazi a Dutch national of Surinamese origin, residing in The Gambia since 2004  was also the CEO OF HolGam Company, a registered Venezuelan based company in The Gambia. The company was granted fishing license by The Gambian Government, under the auspices of enhancing Banjul’s bilateral ties with Venezuela. This followed President Jammeh’s visit to Venezuela—wooing South American investors into the impoverished West African country. The Fisheries Ministry was very instrumental in ensuring that Hol-Gam was granted business license to operate in The Gambia.

Small Beginnings
On the  12th day of May 2010 Narcotic officer Kebba Bojang was sitting in HIS office trying to figure out how he was going to keep cool in the cramped room which served at the National Drug Enforcement Agency (NDEA) office at Brufut - Ghana town when he received a phone tip off. The information we received was that there are three people at the exclusive Taf Estate were are suspected to be in possession of prohibited drugs.It was around 16:00  when Bojang accompanied by tow other officers arrived at the residence.

There they met with 47-year-old Fernando “Furá” Varela a Dutch/Cape Verde national, Muminatu Sissay who holds both Sierra Leonean and Nigerian citizenship, and Godwin Barset a Ghanian/Sierra Leonean national “Furá”  was a native of Santa Catarina on the island of Santiago, Cape Verde. Furá was an émigré in the Netherlands and held a Dutch passport. In the 1990s, he settled back in Cape Verde and opened commercial establishments in Assomada and Tarrafal. He was a member of the Santa Catarina municipal assembly, representing the MpD, between 1996 and 2000.
 
Brufut Estates

The suspects were greeted and they also introduced themselves as officers from the NDEA and that they want to conduct a search of their premises. Muminatu Sissay, 
who was from Sierra Leone asked them whether they had a search warrant at which point they then showed their warrant cards, but before they started conducting the search, Muminatu decided to offer them Five thousand Euro but they refused the offer.They then proceeded to conduct the search and discovered three kilos of cocaine. Muminatu Sissay then decided to up the ante and offered them 18, 500 Euros this was also refused. Muminatu Sissay told the officers that the 3kilos of cocaine  that it was given to her by Ephraim Michel Chiduben, a Nigerian national lodging at Coco Ocean Hotel.

The officers went to Coco Ocean and with Ephiam Micheal Chidubem who was arrested and interrogated about the issue. He later admitted giving 1kg to Maimuna Sesay. When asked about the source of the cocaine and he confessed that Carlos Sanchez, a Venezuelan national gave it to him. When asked about the whereabouts of Carlos Sanchez, he said he did not know where Sanchez was residing. On the request of the officers, Ephiam Micheal Chidubem called Carlos Sanchez to meet him at the hotel as if they where conducting another drug deal. When Carlos Sanchez came, the officers arrested him and both of them were escorted to the NDEA office in Kanifing for Further investigation.
Coco Ocean Hotel

Further investigations lead the officers to Carlos Sanchez's residence in Kotu and Conducted a search but nothing was found in the compound. During the search, 
a white Ford pick-up (American type) Appeared around the vicinity and immediately When they noticed the presence of the officers in the compound, they fled. A chase ensured
but they lost them.

But later, the investigation led the officers to the Hol-Gam Company where Carlos Sanchez is a shareholder and surprisingly after reaching the Gam Holding Company, the officers saw the same Ford pickup that was seen at the residence of Carlos Sanchez parked inside the premises or Hol-Gam Company. The officers asked who parked the vehicle and it was revealed That Juan Carlos Diaz and Luis Dose Fermin, both Venezuelan nationals, drove the vehicle into the premises. They were found there by the officers and later arrested. The officers later with the managing director of the company, one Rudy Rasool Hamid Ghazi, a Dutch national. At that point, the three were arrested and taken for interrogations.

Juan Carlos Sanchez, is a Venezuelan and had been in The Gambia for almost two years before his arrest, on the 13th of May 2010. Sanchez was active in Guinea Bissau, holding
different business interests including fishing boats. He had brought over Juan Carlos Diaz, Esteaban Zavalla Eric Bottini and Luis Dose Fermin as his logistics crew who were all staying at the baobab island resort. At the island hideaway which had direct access to the Gambia River and the open sea police found money, guns and communication equipment.
Gambia Nitelife

Between the year 2009 and 14th May 2010 at Kuloro Sanchez had in his possession a AR-15-A2 rifle (American type) CAL223, a shot gun (Russian type), a Gluck hand gun pistol (Austrian), rounds of live ammunition, GPS tracking equipemt, sat coms and more than €210,000 in €500 notes. According to Sanchez the ministry of interior in Bissau had issued and also authorized him to carry fire arms with him. Sanchez boss in Venezuela was called Gunzale who is a national of Panama, he also has a business interests Panama and China. Gunzale was more properly the sourse of the cocaine from Columbia to Venezuela from FARC.

The Gambian Justice saw Ghazi as the local connection behind the cocaine route between South America and Europe, The Gambia being as storage and staging post. Carlos Sanchez was the head of the Venezuelan group with whom Ghazi was working with from his base in Guinea-Bissau, Sanchez would be in charge of the import, storage and export of South American cocaine to Europe. George Sanchez came to the Gambia for the first time on the 5th of May 2010 through the invitation of one Sierra Leonean lady called Kate whom he met earlier in Ghana.He was born in Mexico and held dual Liberian nationality. Ghazi and George Sanchez were arrested on the 13th of May 2010 at around 17:30 at the premises of Holgam. Ghazi admitted previously approaching a NDEA agent Pateh Jallow to assist in taking a quantity of cocaine to Holland and gave 6kg of cocaine with 6,500 Euros to Pateh Jallow to help transport the cocaine. Pateh Jallow took the cocaine but sold it himself (Ghazi) went to the NDEA to ask for Pateh but was informed that Pateh had left the employment of the NDEA.

Later in the investigations, it was revealed that they have a warehouse in Bonto. A team was dispatched to Bonto and working with the Gambian NDEA, SOCA conducted forensic examinations of various locations, electronic equipment and took samples of drugs recovered during earlier searches. SOCA officers helped recover more than €210,000 in€500 notes and a number of loaded firearms.They also located a previously undiscovered underground bunker concealed behind a false wall in a warehouse used by the fishing company in  the Bonto area. 
When the bunker was investigated on the evening of 4th June 2010, 85 sacks were discovered containing a total of 2,100 kilos of cocaine ‘bricks’ valued about over $1 billion dollars,as well as around 60 empty sacks, indicating that the bunker has been used as a distribution centre for some time.

A complex web
In Apr 2010 the U.S. designated two Guinea-Bissau based individuals, Jose Americo Bubo Na Tchuto and Ibraima Papa Camara, as drug kingpins. Bubo Na Tchuto fled to The Gambia by boat. The Gambian Government allocated General Bubu with private residence, car and guards, but notwithstanding he was able to leave the country unnoticed.  His escape led to the arrest of State Guard soldiers assigned to the runaway Navy Chief—some of whom were charged. They were arraigned before a military court martial, after been accused of negligent of duty, aiding and abetting the escape of a Guinean army fugitive.
West African Cell-Sixty prisoners share a 25 sq m cell and are locked in for 16 hours at a stretch with a single bucket for a toilet. There are no beds or mattresses, and scabies and other infectious diseases are rife. 
As global condemnation intensified over the recent appointment of  General NaTchuto,Bissau’s Navy Chief, a well placed source close to the heart of the Gambian Government said the former General, who was granted political asylum by the Jammeh administration—amidst his failed coup attempt against the then leadership of President Neino Viera in 2008, was smuggled from The Gambia by the same South American nationals involved in the one billion dollar cocaine bust in the The Gambia. The source who is very familiar with General Bubu’s escape said General Bubu travelled by sea after he was escorted by Juan Carlos Diaz, a trained pilot, and commando with the Venezuelan military.   Mr. Diaz, was convicted alongside with Rudy Rasoehamid Ghazi, and six others in connection with the one billion cocaine bust in The Gambia. Bubu travelled via sea on-board their speedboat with some members of the Holland Gambia Fishing Company. 
Robert  Yaw Danquah

In and Out
Another person connected with Ghazi and Sanchez was a  Ghanaian national Robert Danquah. He was arrested by officials of the Nation Drugs Enforcement Agency (NDEA) found in his possession  a sum of a D1.08M, some telephone handsets and a computer all recovered from him at his room at a Guest House called 'Just for you'. He told the police the money had been given to him by one Carlos Mango which was meant for the legal fees of sanchez in the 2 tonne drug case. Police had recovered a DHL package and two mobile phones in a room at the baobab island occupied by one of 
Danquah’s alleged accomplices Sanchez, who told them that the package was sent by Danquah. Danquah was held in the custody of the NDEA for five weeks incommunicado. 

Pa Habibu Mbye, former crime management coordinator (CMC) at the NDEA and Alh Foday Barry, former director of intelligence and investigation were dealing with Danquah. He demanded to see Foday Barry and asked him whether he was not entitled to a lawyer, and that if not then they needed to contact the Ghanaian government to inform them. Barry & Mbye said he must gave them 200,000 Euros before granting him bail. He later confirmed from the the two offices that if he failed to give the mentioned amount, he would never get bail.

“I then asked him, ‘Why?’, he said because I am a drug baron who has the money to pay,” .

Later that day rather than pay the 200,000 Euros Danquah escaped police custody and fled back to Ghana. 
 $1 billion dollars,as well as around 60 empty sacks, indicating that the bunker has been used as a distribution centre for some time.
On Monday, February 6, 2012 he security agencies, acting in concert with officials of the Narcotics Control Board (NACOB), effected the arrest of the suspect, Robert Yaw Danquah, at his residence at the Teshie-Nungua Estates in Accra. Danquah has been on the run since the drugs were intercepted by The Gambian police on June 12, 2010 and has also been on Interpol’s most wanted drug barons list for some time now after managing to escape arrest in The Gambia. Danquah, who is alleged to be the leader of the group, managed to escape arrest in The Gambia to seek refuge in Ghana. Danquah was jointly charged with his accomplices with conspiracy to traffic prohibited drugs, contrary to Section 51 (1) of the Drug Control Act of 2003 at the Banjul Magistrate Court in 2011.

In august he appeared before the court where to the shock of the audience the prosecution announced it had decided to drop all charges against Danquah due to lack of evidence. He would later appear as a prosecution witness against Pa Habibu Mbye, former crime management coordinator (CMC) at the NDEA and Alh Foday Barry, former director of 
intelligence and investigation for theft of his D1.08M meant for Sanchez.

All Is Fair
Robert Danquah- Ghanaian national arrested, escaped, arrested, extradited,tried, all charges dropped
Godwin Barset- Ghanaian national pleaded guilty but was acquitted and discharged 
Muminatu Sissay- Sierra Leone/ Nigerian national pleaded guilty one-year mandatory jail term and a fine of D2 million
Fernando “Furá” Varela- Dutch/ Cap Verde nationality pleaded guilty 18 months plus 18,500-Euro fine.
Ephraim Micheal Chiduben- Nigerian national pleaded guilty 1 year 6 months and a fine D2 million was acquitted and discharged on 29th December 2011 on appeal.
Rudy Rasoe Hamid Ghazi- Dutch/Surinam national 20 years plus $60,000 fine
Juan Carlos Sanchez- Venezuelan national 32 years plus $60,000 fine
Dennis Wilgo Winter- Dutch/Surinam national died in custody before sentence
Louis Dose Fermin Venezuelan national 20 years plus $60,000 fine before sentence
Eric Bottini Venezuelan national 20 years plus $60,000 fine
Juan Carlos Diaz- Venezuelan national 20 years plus $60,000 fine
Esteaban Zavala- Venezuelan national 20 years plus $60,000 fine
George Sanchez- a Mexican/Liberian national 20 years plus $60,000 fine
The In Crowd

Endgame
The West African cocaine trade has a long chain of networking in the trafficking of illicit substances, as well as financial transfers. The link goes from the drugs Cartels, to the security/government officials, then to middlemen and, finally, to carriers. The South American drugs syndicates use Bissau and its remote inaccessible islands as a hub for transiting cocaine to Europe by infiltrating the country's security forces. A high placed senior manager working in a commercial bank in the Gambia lamented over the loose banking regulations and the involvement of big business players through a front cover business venture, the premier function of some new banks in capital flight. Financial transactions are used to launder drugs money to various parts of the world. According to a my source, in the hard economic conditions, the monthly wages of the majority of the Gambian working class are only just putting food on the table, so that people have no surplus to save. This defies the logic of registering dozens of commercial banks.

According to statistics from the United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime, based on an analysis of seizures in Europe, 27% (40 tons) of the cocaine consumed annually in Europe is transiting West Africa, and is worth US $1.8 billion at wholesale level. Out of the large individual seizures from each West African country, 2, 200kg is found to have come from the Gambia.

Nearly 60 per cent of all the cocaine consumed in Western Europe, with a street value of $18-billion, is believed to be transported through Guinea-Bissau and other West African states – including Mali, where the drug money may have helped rebels seize the northern half of the country this month.

An investigation by the United Nations drug-control agency has estimated that up to 2,200 pounds of cocaine is flown into Guinea-Bissau every night, and more arrives by sea. About 50 drug lords from Colombia are based in Guinea-Bissau, controlling the cocaine trade and bribing the military and politicians to protect it, the UN investigation found.

Across the region, an estimated 50 tons of cocaine is transported through West Africa every year, mostly from Colombia and Venezuela, destined for the lucrative street trade 
in Europe.

Guinea-Bissau is a natural base for the traffickers because of its instability and corruption, its porous borders, and its many uninhabited islands where planes can land from Latin America. The cocaine is then repackaged to be smuggled northward to Europe, by ship or across the Sahara desert.

Europe's Appetite for Cocaine Endangering Africa

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A Boeing aircraft from Venezuela landed on an improvised landing strip in Mali’s Gao region, with ten tones of cocaine on board. News reports about aircraft in West Africa filled up with cocaine are becoming more and more frequent. The drugs cartels in Latin America have discovered that they can reach the European market via Africa. Organised crime is such a rewarding industry in Europe because ordinary Europeans spend an ever-burgeoning amount of their spare time and money snorting coke through €50 notes.

In case you think this is a wild exaggeration, take note of an article published by the London Sunday Telegraph. So much cocaine is being used in London that traces of the white powdered narcotic can be detected in the River Thames. Citing scientific research that it had commissioned, it said an estimated 2kg of cocaine, or 80 000 lines, spill into the river every day after passing through users’ bodies and sewage treatment plants.

It extrapolated that 150 000 lines of the illegal drug are snorted in the British capital every single day, or 15 times higher than the official figure given by the Home Office. Europeans belong to the largest consumers of illicit drugs, absorbing about one fifth of the global heroin, cocaine and cannabis supply, as well as one third of ecstasy production (UNODC World Drug report, 2008). 

The Norwegian Institute for Water Research (NIVA) in Oslo and the Mario Negri Institute in Milan led a research initiative, directly collaborating with 11 European research institutes. Raw sewage samples from 19 large European cities were collected by the participants of the study during a single week in March 2011 and analyzed for the urinary biomarkers of cocaine, amphetamine, ecstasy, methamphetamine and cannabis. The total amount of the drugs used by inhabitants of each of the 19 cities was measured and then the results were adjusted for population size.

The data show distinct temporal and spatial patterns in drug use across Europe. Cocaine use was higher in Western and Central Europe and lower in Northern and Eastern Europe. High per capita ecstasy loads were measured in Dutch cities, as well as in Antwerp and London. In general, cocaine and ecstasy loads were significantly elevated during the weekend compared to weekdays. Per capita loads of methamphetamine were highest in Helsinki, Turku, Oslo and Budweis, while per capita loads of cannabis were similar throughout Europe.

MPs Double Standard
A recent scandal broke out among Italian parliamentarians, in a clever yet classic sting operation staged by the producers of Le Iene, a popular prime time TV show, a secret drug test taken by Italian parliamentarians revealed that almost one out of three Italian MPs appeared to have taken illegal drugs in the previous 36 hours. More precisely, the secret drug test showed that 16 out of 50 politicians had allegedly tested positive for cocaine use.



The cult TV show Le Iene, sent a reporter and camera crew, purporting to represent Fox TV, to the Italian Parliament at asking MPs for their views on the 2007 budget draft. Yet unknown to the politicians posing for the camera, the make-up artist dabbing the sweat from their brows during their ‘interview’ was in reality collecting their perspiration in order to test it for the presence of illegal substances. 

The tests were conducted with a device called Drugswipe, used by German and Swiss police in random traffic checks, it can test for drug use within the last 36 hours in as little as five minutes Former president of the lower house Pierferdinando Casini stated, ‘The value of this experiment is precisely zero.’ In response to concerns about the test’s reliability, the chief producer of Le Iene, Davide Parenti, had argued that the Drugswipe ‘is 100 % accurate. Amid parliamentary uproar over the shocking results of the secret drug test conducted by Le Iene,The Privacy Authority blocked the transmission of the segment, contending that the data was collected in a covert and illegal manner, thereby invading the MPs’ privacy.



Instead, the first episode of the autumn series broadcast a similar segment in which the Drugswipe test was unknowingly used on the patrons of a nightclub. Results showed that 20 out of the 40 club-goers interviewed had tested positive for cocaine. However, in this case the Italian Privacy Authority did not censor the segment.
Italian parliament Palace Flying High


But wouldn't an identical sting on the Italian public also be a violation of an individual’s privacy? Is this a double standard applicable only to Italian MPs who consider themselves above the law, yet the citizenry not? Is this so-called ‘privacy privilege’ among MPs valid only for those who passed the‘zero tolerance’ drug law last February, abolishing the distinction between hard and soft drugs and making possession as well as dealing a criminal offence?  

Huge Money At Stake
Between 1998 and 2009 global production of opium rose almost 80% … "Just a decade ago, the North American market for cocaine was four times larger than that of Europe, but now we are witnessing a complete rebalancing. Today the estimated value of the European cocaine market ($65-billion) is almost equivalent to that of the North American market ($70-billion), it has simply experienced a geographical shift in supply and demand. 

Drug trafficking, the critical link between supply and demand, is fuelling a global criminal enterprise valued in the hundreds of billions of dollars that poses a growing challenge to stability and security. Drug traffickers and cartels are forming transnational networks, sourcing drugs on one continent, trafficking them across another and marketing them in a third. 

In some countries and regions the value of the illicit drug trade far exceeds the size of the legitimate economy. Given the enormous amounts of money controlled by drug traffickers, they have the capacity to corrupt officials. In recent years we have seen several such cases in which ministers and heads of national law enforcement agencies have been implicated in drug-related corruption. We are also witnessing more and more acts of violence, conflicts and terrorist activities fuelled by drug trafficking and organised crime.

The transporting of narcotics via the west coast of Africa has proven to be the most secure way of getting drugs to customers in Europe. The so-called Atlantic route (South America – Portugal – Spain) is becoming steadily more difficult, so the drugs cartels have turned their attention to West Africa, which has a practically unguarded coastline and impoverished, weak and easy-to-bribe governments.

Waterbed Effect
“The drugs trade, which has Europe as its primary destination, now chooses the African route. Especially the poor, open-to-bribery countries, but also the larger and more stable parts of Africa such as Nigeria and South Africa”, says Wil Pantsers, Director of the Mexican Studies Centre at the University of Groningen.

Every time a country somewhere in the world proudly presents figures showing the progress of the war against drugs trafficking, figures in another part of the world give precisely the opposite impression. The golden rule of supply and demand that defines the marketplace certainly applies to the drugs trade.

Weak States
Forty tonnes (27 percent) of the cocaine consumed in Europe have passed through various West African countries: Nigeria, Ghana, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde, Senegal, Mali or Mauritania. The international airports on the other side of the continent serve as through-routes for heroin that is imported from Asia and sold on the streets of Amsterdam or London. That’s according to the annual report of the International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) of the United Nations.

The rapid growth is not only the consequence of the creativity and vast experience of the Latin American drugs cartels. The weakness of the states with which they do business, and the extreme poverty, makes this region an ideal place for their illegal practices.

Lack of Everything
Guinea-Bissau is a good example of an extremely violent state, where the drugs trade is flourishing at the highest levels of the land. Tom Blickman, from the Transnational Institute of Policy Studies in Amsterdam, points out the extreme weakness of the government: “In Guinea-Bissau there’s no means of keeping drugs trafficking under control. The police don’t have any cars. They don’t have any radios. They don’t have anything.”
Guinea-Bissau Central Jail

In the last few years, the Mexican drugs cartels have conquered the international market. 90% of the drugs in the United States come into the country via Mexico. The Mexican drugs cartels, along with that of Colombia, together form an enormous criminal force that reaches far beyond the borders, even across oceans.

Corruption
In Mexico, neither the huge army nor the police are in any position to bring an end to the drugs gangs. Since 2008, drug-related violence has so far cost the lives of more than sixty thousand dead and fifteen thousand missing. The drugs trade is even infiltrated by individuals at the highest levels of the police and politics.

Mexico is an important through-route to the north from Colombia, Peru and Bolivia, but at the same time the quantity of marijuana and poppies has increased enormously. What particularly strikes researchers is the spectacular growth in the production of synthetic drugs.

Crossroads
Mexico has developed into the crossroads for drug trafficking, and that is feeding destabilization in the region, says Luis Astorga from the Independent National University of Mexico. “This position that Central America has taken up in the cocaine route, is becoming increasingly important. Every success by Colombia or Mexico in the fight against drugs has immediate negative consequences in the Caribbean and Central America, where the governments are weaker.”

The fight against worldwide drugs trafficking is a major challenge for the international community, maybe even greater than the fight against international terrorism. Drugs’ trafficking brings democracies to their knees, and destabilizes not only countries, but whole regions.

Crystal Meth Labs in West Africa Sparks Crime Wave

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May evening last year, as a tropical downpour lashed Lagos, Nigerian drug enforcement agents received the tip off that would lead to a game-changing bust. Hours earlier, Baez Benitez Milan,aka Fabian Arcila,  a car dealer from Paraguay, had entered the country, telling airport officials that this, one of Africa's most notoriously gridlocked, chaotic cities, was ideal for plying his motor trade.

Instead, he drove to an unfinished, weed-choked building on the deserted outskirts of town, and holed up there for weeks. When agents eventually stormed the building, they found an amphetamine-producing factory capable of churning out 25kg of white crystal meth powder, or "ice", every few hours. Benitez Milan was, in fact, a Colombian drug runner named Gonzalo Osorio, whose skills in the rapid set-up of clandestine laboratories commanded a $38,000 (£25,000) weekly fee. The factory, one of an intended three, was among the earliest to be discovered in west Africa, and signalled a disturbing new chapter in the regional drug trade.


Narcotic investigators in Lagos arrested seven members of the criminal gang who are helping in further investigation. Apart from Osorio, there are Gabriel Onyebuchi Obi, Anthony Ebi, Olisa Cyprian Onyebuchukwu, Mickey Ezeokoli, Solomon Ogbonna and Chidi Alexandra Efeagwazi.

“Twelve vehicles belonging to the suspects have been confiscated. In addition, four houses have also been traced to the criminal group by the agency.”

The NDLEA boss explained that the operation that led to the arrest of the suspects started in November 2011 after Osorio was contracted by a Nigerian drug syndicate to establish three methamphetamine production laboratories in different parts of the country. 

The first clandestine laboratory Osorio established was situated at Majek area of Ibeju Lekki Local Government Area of Lagos State while another one was located in Nanka village in Nnewi area of Anambra State. He added that the gang was in the process of establishing the third laboratory when the members were apprehended by NDLEA officers.

Giade said, “Gonzelo-Osorio left the country in December 2011 and returned on May 30, 2012 with a false identity as a citizen of Paraguay with the name Baez Benitez Milan on his travel documents. He is regarded as the best methamphetamine production expert in the business and was hired on $38,000 dollars weekly by the drug cartel.”


For the past decade, west Africa's creek-lined coast has been a pipeline for trafficking South American cocaine to Europe and Asia. About $1.25bn of illicit trade has passed through annually, responsible in part for destabilising huge swathes of the region, from Mali's recent turmoil to the narco-state of Guinea-Bissau. But now home grown criminal syndicates that previously earned cuts by providing mules for Latin American cartels are cooking up their own slice of the global drug pie. Their narcotic of choice is methamphetamine, a highly profitable powder concocted using readily available and legal ingredients.

"This is the next niche for criminal groups in west Africa because you can easily cook it at home, and you can easily adjust it for supply and demand. It is slowly but surely spreading in the region," said Pierre Lapaque, head of the United Nations office on drugs and crime in west Africa, whose latest report highlights the rising trade.

Four large-scale crystal meth labs have been discovered in Nigeria. Shipments of precursor chemicals have been seized in neighbouring Benin and Togo and in Guinea officials discovered huge vats used to cook MDMA, a similar synthetic drug.

Bola, a lanky drug baron with twitching hands who is based in down town Lagos, said only local wrestlers bought synthetic drugs when he started peddling eight years ago. "It was difficult to sell. Now the guys selling [meth] to big boys and foreigners in the VIP dens can no longer come to areas like this because they will be robbed. Everybody knows they make big money," he said.

Behind Bola's stifling, corrugated iron shop selling dusty cartons of soft drinks is a warren of cramped brick-walled rooms barely high enough to stand up in. Ghoulish in the occasional shard of sunlight piercing through the haze, dealers and glassy-eyed users slump on wooden benches, hunch over chessboards or incessantly chop and wrap mounds of crystalline powder.

In the 1930's, amphetamine was marketed as Benzedrine in an over-the-counter inhaler to treat nasal congestion (for asthmatics, hay fever sufferers, and people with colds). A probable direct reaction to the Depression and Prohibition, the drug was used and abused by non-asthmatics looking for a buzz. By 1937 amphetamine was available by prescription in tablet form.

Methamphetamine went into wide use during World War II, when both sides used it to keep troops awake. High doses were given to Japanese Kamikaze pilots before their suicide missions.


During the Second World War, US soldiers and aviators were given benzedrine, anamphetamine drug, to increase their alertness during long periods on duty. British troops used 72 million amphetamine tablets in the second world war and the RAF used so many that "Methedrine won the Battle of Britain" according to one report.

In the United States in the 1950s, legally manufactured tablets of both dextroamphetamine (Dexedrine) and methamphetamine (Methedrine) became readily available and were used non-medically by college students, truck drivers, and athletes. As use of amphetamines spread, so did their abuse. Amphetamines became a cure-all for such things as weight control to treating mild depression.

Crystal meth or Shabu is a powerful central nervous system stimulant. People use it for the feelings of stimulation and euphoria that it provides. Like any psychostimulant, it makes users more wakeful and agitated while reducing their appetite. These effects are caused by the release of large amounts of a chemical called dopaminein the parts of the brain that are responsible for pleasurable sensations. Methamphetamine has a chemical structure similar to amphetamine’s, but its effects on the central nervous system are twice as powerful. Methamphetamine use can also damage the cells that release dopamine and serotonin in the nervous system.

The most common ways that people take crystal meth are by ingesting it orally in tablet or pill form, by inhaling it nasally (“snorting” it) in powder form, by smoking it, or by injecting it intravenously. When crystal meth is taken orally, its effects begin after 15 or 20 minutes and can last 12 hours, or even 24. It is absorbed far more rapidly when snorted, and even more rapidly when smoked or when injected intravenously. Its effects are then felt almost instantaneously and may include a euphoria so intense that it feels orgasmic, commonly known as a rush. It is important to note that the faster a drug is absorbed, the more intense its effects will be, and the more addictive it will be. Hence methamphetamine, when smoked, snorted, or injected, is one of the most addictive drugs on the illicit market.

Given that users develop a tolerance for amphetamines very quickly, many users will begin to take several doses in a row to maintain the feeling of a high and avoid the symptoms of withdrawal that set in when they stop taking these drugs. During these periods of heavy consumption, known as binges, users stop eating and sleeping. Intravenous users may inject as much as a gram of crystal meth every 2 or 3 hours for several days in a row. They will cease this destructive consumption pattern only when their supply of the drug is exhausted and they can no longer get any more, or when their behaviour becomes so disorganized that they cannot continue.

Crystal meth that is smoked, inhaled, or injected is one of the most powerful psychostimulants available on the illicit drug market. Users therefore become physically and psychologically dependent on it rapidly, and the desire to consume more of it then becomes a constant preoccupation and eventually an obsession. The only way to satisfy this obsession is to go on another binge. Chronic users usually display various symptoms of anxiety, insomnia and depression.

They may also display a variety of psychotic symptoms, such as paranoia and auditory hallucinations, and sometimes even violent behaviour.

These psychotic symptoms can persist for months or even years after someone has stopped using the drug. Symptoms of meth abuse include: dramatic weight loss, facial disfigurement, social dysfunction (loss of job, family, friends, or money; schizophrenic-like behavior), and extremely poor dentition ("meth mouth," resulting in broken teeth, severe gum infections, and oral wasting

The growing popularity of crystal meth in the gay community seems to be coinciding with an increase in HIV and Type B and Type C hepatitis infections. This increase might be largely due to the sharing of syringes and needles to inject this drug intravenously. Dependent users’ craving to take another dose of crystal meth as soon as they can makes them ignore safe injection practices. In addition, this drug modifies sexual behaviour by increasing libido and reducing inhibitions, so users also tend to ignore safe sex practices, such as using a condom.

Another significant issue is that the manufacturing of methamphetamine releases hazardous toxic substances into the environment. These substances include flammable solvents, chlorinated solvents, phosphorus, iodine, heavy metals such as lead and mercury, and various other pollutants that are highly hazardous to public health. Manufacturing one kilogram of methamphetamine produces roughly five to six kilograms of toxic waste. The operating conditions in clandestine laboratories present risks not only for the environment, but also for the illicit drug producers themselves, as well as for their neighbours and for the police, firefighters, ambulance attendants and other emergency workers who may be called to the scene of these laboratories.

What makes methamphetamine such an attractive high? Meth users report that after taking the drug they experience a sudden "rush" of pleasure or a prolonged sense of euphoria, as well as increased energy, focus, confidence, sexual prowess and feelings of desirability. However, after that first try, users require more and more of the drug to get that feeling again, and maintain it. With repeated use, methamphetamine exacts a toll on the mind and body, robbing users of their physical health and cognitive abilities, their libido and good looks, and their ability to experience pleasure. Here's how the body reacts to meth and the consequences of long-term abuse.

In lab experiments done on animals, sex causes dopamine levels to jump from 100 to 200 units, and cocaine causes them to spike to 350 units. "[With] methamphetamine you get a release from the base level to about 1,250 units, something that's about 12 times as much of a release of dopamine as you get from food and sex and other pleasurable activities

When addicts use meth over and over again, the drug actually changes their brain chemistry, destroying the wiring in the brain's pleasure centres and making it increasingly impossible to experience any pleasure at all. 

Meth Aand The Brain
Meth releases a surge of dopamine, causing an intense rush of pleasure or prolonged sense of euphoria.
Over time, meth destroys dopamine receptors, making it impossible to feel pleasure.
Although these pleasure centres can heal over time, research suggests that damage to users' cognitive abilities may be permanent.
Chronic abuse can lead to psychotic behaviour  including paranoia, insomnia, anxiety, extreme aggression, delusions and hallucinations, and even death.

Visible Signs
Meth abuse causes the destruction of tissues and blood vessels, inhibiting the body's ability to repair itself.
Acne appears, sores take longer to heal, and the skin loses its luster and elasticity, making the user appear years, even decades older.
Poor diet, tooth grinding and oral hygiene results in tooth decay and loss.

Meth Mouth
"Meth mouth" is characterized by broken, discoloured and rotting teeth.
The drug causes the salivary glands to dry out, which allows the mouth's acids to eat away at the tooth enamel, causing cavities.
Teeth are further damaged when users obsessively grind their teeth, binge on sugary food and drinks, and neglect to brush or floss for long periods of time.

Sex And Meth
Meth heightens the libido and impairs judgement  which can lead to risky sexual behaviour.
Many users take the drug intravenously, increasing their chances of contracting diseases such as Hepatitis B or C and HIV/AIDS.

Meth's Other Effects On The Body
Increased heart rate
Disorganized lifestyle
Lowered resistance to illness
Liver damage
Convulsions
Extreme rise in body temperature, which can cause brain damage
Stroke
Death

Most international orders come from South Africa and more recently Asia "because many people are afraid to go. The punishment there if they should catch you … " Bola mimed a knife across his throat, indicating the death penalty.

A kilo of meth exported to south-east Asia, where some countries have reported a 250% increase in traffickers from west Africa arrested over five years, brings in $45,000. In Bola's den, poorer users pay $1.20 for a single hit.

Crystal meth was traditionally brewed by US biker gangs but laws were tightened in 2005, curbing production. Thousands of miles away, there was unintended fallout. "Cocaine trafficking was falling because we were making record seizures. Suddenly we started making more and more interceptions of methamphetamine leaving the country, but nothing at all was coming in. We realised criminals had started making it within our borders," said Mitchell Ofojeyu, an official at the heavily guarded headquarters of Nigeria's drug enforcement agency.

Some worry the effects of this new trade will spill over into local communities, raising the spectre of rising crime and health problems.

"The warning signals are there that this really is a problem that could run amok in years ahead if comparable resources aren't devoted to the human consumption side," said Alan Doss, a senior adviser at the Geneva-based Kofi Annan Foundation.

For now, widespread unfamiliarity among the local population has sometimes got in the way of curbing the trade. When Nigerian officials discovered their first meth factory, they wanted to storm the site immediately.
"We didn't realise the chemicals were so poisonous. It was our international partners who told us: 'Look, you basically have to kit yourself up as if you're going to the moon'," said Ofojeyu.

Drug cartels are literally mass producing methamphetamine in makeshift super labs and the business is thriving.

The main reason for this is that methamphetamine is made from completely legal products that are easily accessed. The profit margin is also extremely attractive to drug cartels. A kilo of methamphetamine can sell for 38,000 to 45,000 dollars in Asia and labs can produce a kilo for just 355 dollars pumping out 300  kilos a day. While professional chemists are hired to set up the labs, daily operations are usually run by less skilled “cooks,” who are told to  follow the “recipe” written by the chemist.

Crack Epidemic Hits West Africa

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Local consumption of crack  or ‘Pedra’ as it is called has increased in recent years since the country became a major hub for coke on its way heading to Europe from S. America, and crack is highly addictive. Since then thousands of people in Bissau's slums like Reno have become crack addicts. Prostitution has increased substantially consequently driving a new HIV/AIDS epidemic.   
  
The reason people here prefer pedra is that it is more powerful than cocaine and much cheaper. You can get one rock of pedra for around 250 CFA francs ($0.40) and a few rocks can last a couple of days.  A gram of cocaine, however, costs between 6,000 CFA francs (US $15) and 12,000 CFA francs ($30) depending on your source and it is only enough for a night or two. Nowadays pedra can be found almost anywhere in the country, even in remote villages, but the most notorious area for it is called Reno [in Bissau]. It’s a tough neighbourhood where even police are afraid to go. Reno was bad before but in the last couple of years it has really gotten out of control.

Guinea-Bissau’s only drug-addiction clinic lies on a back road in the quiet village about an hour outside Bissau.  José Belenta arrived at Quinhámel mental-health centre with his wrists and ankles bound. Then addicted to crack, the former carpenter is now clean and has become a voluntary worker at the clinic. Run by an evangelical pastor with no formal medical training, it combines drug rehab with a safe environment for the mentally ill: Belenta has to break off from our conversation a number of times to administer sedatives to patients or to calm his charges. 

“It started in 2009,” he says. “Some of my friends had big money, and I’d travel up and down helping them to transport the drugs.” Belenta says he was paying around 70 ¢ for a hit. He estimates 20% to 30% of the young people in Bissau are now using crack. A World Health Organization representative in Bissau, who asks not to be identified, concurs with that rough assessment.  But over the past couple of years more crack addicts have been turning up, he said. Families often turn addicted relatives who steal from them over to the police, who bring them to the centre. But the facility is not able to offer proper accommodation to its patients. Many are chained outside to prevent them from wandering off. The centre also lacks trained staff, and relies mainly on religious instruction as a substitute for treatment. "We work in the spiritual area to know God's word," Mr Té said. "God judges the person who does bad - that's what we teach them." 

“We have no proof,” he says, “but if you see the number of people with mental illness now, it figures that there is an increase in drug use.”

In Guinea-Bissau, one of the poorest countries in the world and one of the smallest, with a population of just 1.6 million, the drug now permeates the entire nation, from the military and political elites, who facilitate its passage, to the poorest and most vulnerable, who are developing a rising addiction.

Despite obvious signs of the trade — such as $100,000 cars in Bissau’s streets and smugglers’ abandoned Gulfstream jet at the airport — the drug business thrives on a wilful silence. Recently Public television in the Cape Verde Islands says U.S. authorities operating at sea have arrested a former navy chief of the small West African nation of Guinea-Bissau who is suspected of being a kingpin in the international drug trade. Radiotelevisao Caboverdiana reported late Thursday that Rear Adm. Jose Americo Bubo Na Tchutoand four other Guinea-Bissau nationals were apprehended aboard a yacht in international waters in the eastern Atlantic Ocean in an undercover sting operation.
 Bubo Clipped In Sting

Malam is a 35-year-old Bissau-Guinean drug dealer and international trafficker. He tells me he has full impunity because he is related to a former President. “The police are worthless,” says Malam, who refuses to use his full name. “They’re in everyone’s pocket.” He dips into his own supply on occasion and counts himself lucky. The younger and poorer in Guinea-Bissau use cocaine’s cheaper and more-addictive derivative, crack. As night falls in the capital, young people can be seen gathering in groups under mango trees or in sleepy side streets to smoke rocks of crack cocaine for less than a dollar a hit. “No police approach them,” says Peter Correia, a government health care worker, in his small office piled high with boxes of condoms. “They can’t because of the condition of these people — they are becoming dangerous.”

Now the epicentre of an expanding West African cocaine trade, Guinea-Bissau is confronting an entirely new problem that threatens disaster for its fragile health, law enforcement and justice systems - a burgeoning population of home-grown crack addicts. Unheard of until recently in this tiny former Portuguese colony, use of crack cocaine is a spillover effect of the transnational cocaine trade. During the past few years, traffickers have increasingly been using Guinea-Bissau as a transit point to move drugs from South America into Europe. Large cocaine shipments arrive here to be broken down into smaller quantities before being smuggled onwards. But some of the drug remains in the country, where it is refined into cheap crack cocaine that feeds a growing number of addictions. 

Although the vast majority of cocaine arriving in the country ends up on the streets of European cities, the use of crack cocaine in poor areas of the capital city, Bissau is prevalent  In one neighbourhood a local drug lord conspires with police and some residents to hide the problem - indicating one reason that crack use has rarely been exposed to the public. In a dusty cul-de-sac at the end of a labyrinthine network of rutted dirt roads, a group of young men stood lounging in the mid-afternoon sun. One of them entered the dingy, walled-in porch of a ramshackle house. In his hand he held a pebble-sized rock of crack cocaine. The addict fashioned a pipe out of a broken section of car antenna and a piece of tinfoil. He began to smoke with single-minded determination, ignoring the click of the camera and questions being asked through a translator. His reverie was broken suddenly by a large man wearing a gold chain who entered the veranda. 

The man - later identified as a dealer - became irate because he suspected that drug use was being documented by agents for Interpol, the international police agency, which is active in the country. As the drug dealer continued his tirade, residents gathered around, forming a group of about 70 people. Many shouted in Creole and attempted to grab photography and recording equipment. About 20 minutes later, the scene calmed with the arrival of a pick-up lorry filled with armed police officers. At the police station, the drug dealer and police officers colluded to make sure evidence of drug use was erased. Given their poor training and meagre pay, it is perhaps not surprising that members of the security forces and judiciary have been corrupted by drug money. 
The United Nations estimates that 60 -250 tons of cocaine transits West Africa each year. That's a street value of between $120 - $500 billion. Much of it passes through Guinea-Bissau, which the United Nations ranks as the third-least developed country in the world. "I don't think we can avoid talking of corruption, of permeability, of both of the law enforcement apparatus and of the judicial system," said Antonio Mazzitelli, the West Africa representative for the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). Drug cartels looking for a base of operations found a welcoming environment in Guinea-Bissau, where the security and justice sectors are notoriously corrupt and ineffective. "Even if somebody is arrested he has a very good likelihood of escaping prosecution, through corruption or [some other] break in the prosecutorial chain," Mr Mazzitelli said. 

Given their fragile state, the police and justice systems are ill-equipped to deal with the rise of crime that will inevitably follow an epidemic of crack use, as it has in cities throughout the world. The cocaine trade is relatively new to Guinea-Bissau, arriving around 2004, according to UNODC. So far, the country has been spared the bloodshed that plagues such countries as Colombia or Mexico, where drug cartels are powerful. But the violence may be starting already. Ms Pires, the justice minister, said Guinea-Bissau recently had its first drug-related homicide. 

While rival gangs battle over profits from the drug trade, thefts are likely to become common as a growing number of crack addicts in poor areas struggle to feed their addictions. "You don't sleep, you don't eat, you don't have nice clothes, you don't have shoes. All you want is to steal something and smoke," said one recovering crack addict who requested anonymity. An epidemic of drug use would also overwhelm the country's crumbling health system. It covers only 40 per cent of the population, according to the World Health Organization, and offers no drug treatment programmes. 

Guinea-Bissau's domestic drug-abuse problem is still in its early stages, and is small enough that government officials deny its existence. But some predict that West Africa could soon face a crack epidemic similar to those that have ravaged the streets in western cities. In developed countries, hotly contested theories abound about how best to fight and treat drug abuse. But the debate has hardly penetrated West African countries, many of which are struggling to recover from war, as well as poverty and corruption. Mr Mazzitelli of the UNODC said a crack epidemic will only add to the region's woes. "If the issue is not addressed in the short term - in the mid-run certainly - together with its already important health problems, they will have to face the problems of drug dependency and of the violence that drug dependency generates."
Rehab Africa
In Sierra Leone harder drugs - cocaine and, to a lesser extent, heroin - have become increasingly available, authorities and health practitioners say. They blame West Africa's growing role as a transit route for the global narcotics trade. Cocaine comes from Latin America and heroin from South-east Asia, officials explained, and through such countries as Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, and Sierra Leone. The drugs then continue on to Europe and North America.

In one high-profile case in 2008, for example, Sierra Leone's Minister of Transport and Aviation was dismissed for his alleged involvement in the landing of an air plane carrying 700 kilograms of cocaine. And in December 2011, police seized a shipment of cocaine reportedly en route fromEcuador.

As smuggling activity has increased, there's been a spillover effect. According to the United Nations' 2012 World Drug Report, "increasing trafficking of cocaine through the coastal countries of West Africa is leading to an increase in cocaine use… with cocaine use possibly emerging alongside heroin use as a major problem".

Dr Edward Nahim, an adviser to the Sierra Leone National Drug Enforcement Agency, explained that it is common for drug handlers to be paid with portions of the product they're moving, which is contributing to a growing proliferation of those narcotics in Sierra Leone.

"These international traffickers don't work with money; that is the problem," Nahim said. "They pay people with the drugs, and that is how these drugs stay behind."

The only certified psychiatrist in the country, Nahim estimated that 80 percent of the patients he sees are suffering from "drug-induced psychotic disorders". He noted that for now, the majority of those cases stem from heavy abuse of alcohol and high-grade marijuana, but that he is also observing an increase in the use of cocaine and heroin.

Ibrahim Samura, assistant superintendent for Sierra Leone's national police force, also said that drug abuse is on the rise. He described the situation as "alarming," and linked it to "an increase in gangsterism".
Pastor Morie Ngobeh
"They use [drugs] more than is necessary, and it spurs them to behave abnormally and do things they wouldn't do in their right senses," he said. "They kill, they rape, they smoke marijuana, they carry weapons and do criminal activities."

Samura called attention to legislation passed in 2009 that created stiffer penalties for drug trafficking. In March 2010, the UN secretary-general's representative to Sierra Leone praised such efforts, but argued that to effectively tackle Sierra Leone's drug problem, the country's high unemployment rate for young people must first be addressed. Some seventy percent of youth were unemployed or underemployed in 2010, according to government statistics.

Hidden in a congested area of down town Freetown is the so-called "Lumley Street Cartel Ground". Down a narrow entrance, barely visible amid a throng of market stalls, the collection of shacks is a hub for the distribution and use of drugs in the capital city.
Rehab Bissau

Sitting on a chair off to one side of the unadorned space was an old woman - reportedly the wife of a police officer - with a long scar running down one side of her face. She refused to speak to journalists, but directed two of her dealers to act as escorts. For the next 30 minutes, the men moved though a labyrinthine network of alleys and side streets, to join a small group of youths who were willing to talk about how drugs were affecting their lives and communities. Alimu Kamara said that everything he has goes to drugs. "I won't come out of there [drug dens] with one penny," the 24-year-old said. "All I do is smoke smoke smoke da brown-brown [heroin]."

Kamara and two childhood friends shared tattoos marking them as members of a gang called "Cens Coast Hood", which they said distributed drugs across the country. The young men said they didn't know where the relatively recent influxes of cocaine or heroin were coming from. "By plane, by boat - I don't know," one shrugged. Their only concern was the immediate need to get high, a priority they said was common among street-level dealers.
Rehab Freetown

"I gotta do drugs to move around, to wake me up," Kamara complained. "When I don't have something, it's hopeless."

Asked if there was anything he would like to say on behalf of young people struggling with drugs, Kamara politely declined to answer. "I don't feel like I can," he explained. "I want to change myself first. Then I can say something."

Though few options exist, there are places in Sierra Leone where individuals struggling with drugs can get help.

One is Nahim's clinic in Freetown, though the psychiatrist noted that treating severe cases remained difficult. He explained that in a poor country such as Sierra Leone, medicines used to treat addiction, such as methadone, are prohibitively expensive. Nahim said he therefore employed the "cold turkey method", despite it often entailing painful withdrawal symptoms. "We restrain you physically," he said. "Then we give you very strong tranquillising drugs that will keep you asleep during that period, maybe for one or two days."

Another option is "City of Rest", the only dedicated mental health facility in Sierra Leone. There, Pastor Morie Ngobeh has helped men and women struggling with addiction and other disorders since 1985. He said that 25 of 40 beds provided for in-patient care were currently occupied by people with problems related to drugs and alcohol.


The City of Rest Rehabilitation Centre at Fort Street in Freetown offers residential care for 40 people struggling with addiction problems and or mental illness. The centre seeks to bring spiritual, physical, and psychosocial/mental healing and restoration to lives that have been severely affected by substance abuse and or mental illness.  The City of rest which is the only rehabilitation centre for people with substance abuse disorders in Sierra Leone is partly supported by local charges and individuals. Some 30 people trying to beat addiction to drugs like cocaine, are currently on a waiting list for ‘City of Rest.


"In the 1980s, drug problems were very rare," Ngobeh said. "Now, all kinds of drugs are in this country."

Nahim and Ngobeh each have decades of experience working with addiction. In separate interviews, they both cited a lack of options for meaningful work as a primary factor driving young people to drugs.

"They are in the ghettos all day long, and for hours at night as well," Nahim said. "And that's on a regular, daily basis." He argued that to begin to solve the country's drug problem, it is this group of especially vulnerable people that must be made a priority.

Ngobeh echoed Nahim's words. "When these young people are frustrated or depressed, they easily go to drugs," he said. "They want to forget their problems. But they don't forget… and that's how most of them become addicted." 

West Africans Dominate Swiss Cocaine Trade

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A number of major drug busts in Switzerland have underlined the growing influence of West Africans in the cocaine trafficking trade and the methods used. In February, a Lausanne court jailed two Nigerian asylum seekers working for a Togolese criminal group for smuggling cocaine into Switzerland and money laundering following a Europe-wide investigation known as "Inox".

Some 35 people have been arrested as part of the investigation, accused of smuggling 15 kilograms of cocaine from West Africa.

The Inox case is just one of a handful of major cocaine busts announced by Swiss police in recent months. On Wednesday, Neuchâtel cantonal police reported it had broken up a West African cocaine ring following the arrests of 30 people across Europe.

A day earlier, Lucerne police said it had dismantled a Nigerian cocaine network, involving 30 people, which smuggled the drug into Switzerland from France and the Netherlands by train using female drug mules. Other cases involving Nigerians were reported in the city of Biel in February and in canton Vaud in January.
"The numerous recent cases are the result of a determined campaign by the cantons to break down open street-level cocaine trafficking," Roger Flury, an illegal drugs expert at the Federal Police Office.

"West Africans are clearly the most dominant group, followed by people from the Dominican Republic. They were very visible and active; it was only a question of time."

Massive Increases
Recent years have seen massive increases of cocaine smuggling from South America into Europe via West Africa. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) estimates that 27 per cent, or 40 tons of cocaine consumed annually in Europe, worth $1.8 billion (SFr2 billion), pass through West Africa.

Cocaine is mostly transported to West Africa in large quantities on sea vessels, often concealed in containers. In West Africa the cocaine is stockpiled, repackaged and much of it shipped to Europe on commercial flights in the luggage, clothing or intestines of drug mules. According to the UNODC, criminal groups have started using a "shotgun approach", whereby a large number of couriers are dispatched on the same flight.

Upon arrival the cocaine is distributed via West African criminal groups throughout Europe.

"Before, most cocaine entered Europe via Spain and the Netherlands, but Portugal has grown in importance alongside Spain as an entry point linked to the Portuguese colonies in Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde," said Thomas Pietchmann, a UNODC researcher.

As soon as one network is dismantled another is in place very quickly. They are very mobile and flexible and organised.  There is no permanent hierarchy so a seller can arrive and quickly become responsible for a network," he explained. sayes Jean-Christophe Sauterel 

Togo-Based Group
In the recent Inox case, a Togo-based criminal group smuggled cocaine to Europe via Brussels airport using drugs mules. The mules were met by Nigerian gang members who distributed the drugs on their behalf throughout Europe, including Switzerland, collected the profits and redistributed them back to Togo.

To obtain visas to enter Switzerland, dealers placed orders with Swiss companies at trade fairs in Germany and then requested commercial invitations to travel to Switzerland.

Instead of transferring money back to Africa via Western Union, a money transfer service, or using other traditional transfer routes, drug funds were converted into hundreds of second-hand cars, which were bought from a Lebanese garage owner in canton Bern and shipped to Togo.

According to Jean-Christophe Sauterel, spokesman for the Vaud cantonal police, although the Inox case is "not that exceptional", it illustrates well the situation in Switzerland.

Endless battle
"The networks are organised, with sellers coming here from the various countries in West Africa to deal cocaine. Once in Switzerland they are looked after by a network that can even organise asylum requests," he said.

"The Nigerians are very active and often at the head of the network. If not, people from Togo, Guinea and Guinea Bissau. Sometimes they are organised by clan or country of origin, but other times it's mixed."

"The police can't eradicate drug smuggling. We don't have the means and we can never do so. In canton Vaud we have taken precautions to limit the visibility of drug dealing but with the constant pressure on street dealing the problem has been diluted. Dealing is no longer open in the streets but in public transport or in apartments. It's not just in Lausanne but all towns in the canton are affected," said Sauterel. "We don't pretend to be able to resolve the problem, which is much wider than the competence of the police alone."


In March, the Lucerne police dismantled a Nigerian cocaine ring operating from Holland and France. Several drug smugglers, mostly African women, smuggled a total of 5 kilograms of cocaine, worth half a million francs.


On August 18, the Neuchatel police reported the arrest of six asylum seekers originating from West Africa, who smuggled more than 2.5 kilograms of cocaine mainly in the northern Val-de-Travers region. A seventh, convict, principally active in the city of Neuchatel, is accused of having sold at least 1.25 kilograms.

Seventeen members of a Nigerian drug trafficking group have now been arrested, say canton Vaud police, who have been working with Lausanne-based border guards, and Dutch and French police. The leader of the group has been arrested at his base in The Netherlands and CHF80,000 in cash was seized, as was 15kg of cocaine. The trafficking ring had already used mules to carry at least 50 kg of cocaine into Switzerland, with a street value of CHF50.5 million, say Vaud police.

The trafficking ring was discovered when border guards checking people on a TGV train from Paris to Lausanne, they were suspicious of water cartons, which turned out to contain 3.5 kg of cocaine. The woman from Cameroon who was carrying them was arrested on the train and has been held in Paris. Her sister, who is Swiss, was found to have similar cartons when she stepped off the train in Lausanne. 

Police established that 15 drug runs had been made into Switzerland, and in August they arrested two Polish women at a hotel in Lausanne. The drug ring  had changed its tactics and the two had swallowed 2.5 kg of the drug, then used a car to drive the cocaine into the country. The two Polish mules were hired in Rotterdam and paid €1,500 to deliver the goods. The two told police they had delivered 60kg throughout Europe, of which half was to Switzerland.

In August, Swiss customs stationed in Geneva arrested four African drug smugglers aged 29-46 in a Portuguese car. They had swallowed a total of 280 cocaine packets, totalling 5.4 kilograms of cocaine. Police believes these mules mainly come from Africa. They are paid between 500-1000 Euros to swallow the drug.

 In May, the Bern city police seized 1.5 kilograms of cocaine in a down town shop, including a significant amount of cash, forty cell phones and eleven digital cameras. The police arrested thirteen persons of African origin. One person is still detained in pre-trial detention. 

On July 13, a Zurich district court handed severe sentences against seven Dominican drug smugglers. The 40-year old mastermind of the ring received the highest sentence, with 14 years in jail. He organized the import of 186 kilograms of cocaine from the Dominican Republic into the Zurich area since early 2007 by means of his own import company named Caribbean Import GmbH. His 36-year old deputy was sentenced to a 10-year prison sentence. Both will have to pay a fine of 50,000 francs. A 30-year old Dominican woman was sentenced to seven years in prison, while a 38-year old Zurich taxi driver and a 22-year old Turkish woman were sentenced to serve 3.5 years in prison. A 42-year old Greek was also sentenced to one year in prison for documentary fraud and money laundering.

On July 20, Swiss customs in Basel reported the arrest of a 38-year old woman from Bern attempting to smuggle 1.9 kilograms of cocaine. She was using a belt around her waist. The man controlling her, a Nigerian citizen, was later arrested in Zurich. 

Geneva police authorities complain that the city's number one problem is drug trafficking. The Geneva drug scene is controlled by many nationalities depending on the type of drug. Large numbers of drug dealers or traffickers destroy their identity papers and apply for asylum to avoid repatriation to their home country.

The average monthly earnings of a drug dealer in Geneva are about SFr. 4,000. Geneva police statistics on drug-related arrests show that 98.5 percent of drug dealers were foreigners. Geneva police statistics on drug-related arrests show that 98.5 percent of drug dealers were foreigners. 

Between 4 to 5 tones of cocaine is trafficked into Switzerland every year. The black market value of the cocaine is estimated to be worth $535 Million (520 Million Swiss Francs).

Out of a population of 8 million people, Federal Police in Switzerland estimate that between 25,00 to 32,000 people are regular users of cocaine. An additional 36,000 to 44,000 occasionally use cocaine in the country. In 2011, law enforcement seized 401 kilograms of cocaine.

Swiss Medical Heroin Programme
Switzerland focuses heavily on prevention and early intervention to prevent casual users from developing a drug addiction. Youth programs to discourage drug use cost $6 million annually according to the Swiss Federal Office of Public Health. Swiss authorities purchase on an annual basis 250 kilograms of heroin for use in maintenance of the 130,000 registered addicts through the Heroin-assisted treatment (HAT) program at the 23 heroin distribution centres  

The heroin imported by the Swiss government costs SFr. 100-130 million each year, and originates from Tasmania, Turkey or France-all licit producers of opium products. The Swiss government is also treating 20,000 people with methadone replacement therapy. Three-quarters of those enrolled in the HAT program were male.

Swiss authorities report that in many cases, patients' physical and mental health has improved, their housing situation has become considerably more stable, and they have gradually managed to find employment. Numerous participants have managed to reduce their debts. In most cases, contacts with addicts and the drug scene have decreased, according to the managers of these programs. Consumption of non-prescribed substances declined significantly in the course of treatment, Swiss authorities report.

The current average cost per patient-day at outpatient treatment centres came to 57 Swiss francs. The overall economic benefit-based on savings in criminal investigations and prison terms and on improvements in health-was calculated by Swiss authorities to be 104 Swiss francs. After deduction of costs, the net benefit is 47 Swiss francs per patient-day. Twenty percent of the costs were paid for by the cantons, while 80 percent was paid by the public health insurance. 

Alternative Policy
Cannabis smokers in Switzerland are allowed to grow up to four marijuana plants each at home to stop them buying drugs on the black market.The law allows four people sharing a house to grow up to 16 plants - but only if each person tends to their own crop. The deregulation of Switzerland's cannabis laws was agreed by four neighbouring regions in the French-speaking part of the Alpine country.


Guinea-Bissau Bubo Na Tchuto Arrested in DEA Sting

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Public television in the Cape Verde Islands says U.S. authorities operating at sea have arrested a former navy chief of the small West African nation of Guinea-Bissau who is suspected of being a kingpin in the international drug trade.

Radiotelevisao Caboverdiana reported late Thursday that Rear Adm. Jose Americo Bubo Na Tchuto and four other Guinea-Bissau nationals were apprehended aboard a yacht in international waters in the eastern Atlantic Ocean. The operation code named lightening was carried out by a unit of the DEA fast, which is part of their  Drug Flow Attack Strategy. Bubo Na Tchuto was lured to the Yacht by a fake drug deal set up by DEA informants, after his arrest he was taken to the port of Palmeira, on Sal Island where a DEA jet was waiting, he was immediately sent to the U.S. US DEA undercover agents had been present in Guinea-Bissau for two weeks and that it was probably these agents who had been involved in the capture. Bubo Na Tchuto’s wife said she had not seen her husband since Wednesday and that her requests to military high command for information on his whereabouts had drawn a blank. “He left the house (on Wednesday) as usual in his car to do some shopping in town and he hasn't been back since. 

Rear Adm. Jose Americo Bubo Na Tchuto and  two other Guinea-Bissau citizens  Papis Djeme and Tchamy Yala (nephew of Ex President Kumba Yala)  were taken into custody Tuesday aboard a vessel in international waters in the eastern Atlantic Ocean while two others , Manuel Mamadi and Mane, Saliu Sisse, were arrested Thursday in Guinea-Conakry and later transferred to U.S. custody. Na Tchuto was charged with conspiring to import narcotics into the United States. Mane and Sisse both come from military backgrounds and had recently travelled to Dakar with high ranking military officials to open a bank account to facilitate future shipments. Bubo was also in Dakar around the same time,  supposedly to visit a private clinic for a unrelated health issue. 
 Dakar 
Two more men, Rafael Antonio Garavito-Garcia and Gustavo Perez-Garcia, both Colombian, were arrested in a related operation Friday in Colombia. They remain there pending extradition to the United States. Both Colombians were established in Bissau, living in the home of a prominent member of the transitional government.


During tape recorded meetings, Mane, Sisse and Garavito-Garcia agreed to arrange the purchase of weapons for FARC, including surface to air missiles, importing them to Guinea-Bissau as if they were to be used by the  Guinea-Bissau army . 



Mane, Sisse and Garavito-Garcia were also charged with conspiring to sell weapons, including surface-to-air missiles, to be used to protect FARC cocaine processing operations in Colombia against U.S. military forces. The arrests were the culmination of a long-standing undercover operation in Guinea-Bissau and elsewhere, the DEA said.


Na Tchuto, Djeme and Yala were detained Tuesday in international waters near Cape Verde, off the West African coast, the DEA said, while Mane and Sisse were arrested in a Guinea-Conakry two days later and handed over to U.S. authorities. They were then flown to the United States.

The arrests were made based on evidence gathered by confidential sources who posed as representatives or associates of the FARC as they communicated with the defendants beginning last summer, authorities said. Prosecutors said the evidence includes a series of audio recordings and videotaped meetings between June 2012 and November of last year in Guinea-Bissau. These recordings may also implicate high ranking military officers in the current junta in Bissau.

According to court papers, the defendants agreed to receive multiple ton shipments of cocaine off the coast of Guinea-Bissau and to store the cocaine in storage houses there prior to their shipment to the United States. The U.S. government alleged that the defendants also agreed that a portion of the cocaine would be used to pay Guinea-Bissau government officials to provide safe passage for the cocaine through Guineau-Bissau.

Prosecutors said Na Tchuto discussed shipping ton-quantities of cocaine from South America to Guinea Bissau by sea, saying it was a good time to transport drugs because Guinea Bissau government was weak because of a recent coup d'etat. They said he also said his fee would be $1 million per 1,000 kilograms of cocaine received in Guinea Bissau for the use of a company he owned to hide the shipments before they were moved to the United States. If convicted, he could face life in prison.

All five defendants were ordered held without bail after brief appearances in U.S. District Court in Manhattan, where they seemed to struggle to understand Portuguese and creole translators.


According to a confidential source, the U.S. believes Jose Americo Bubo Na Tchutohas strong links to AQIM cells in Mauritania, Guinea Conakry, Mali and Gambia, where, it is recalled, Bubo retreated almost a year before returning clandestinely to prepare the failed  April 1st coup.

The U.S. Treasury Department designated Na Tchuto as a drug kingpin in 2010 for his alleged role in the cocaine trade in Guinea-Bissau, freezing any assets he might have had in the United States. For at least a decade, Guinea-Bissau has played a key role in the drug trade. The country’s archipelago of virgin islands has been used by Latin American cartels as a stopover point for ferrying cocaine to Europe, where prices have sky-rocketed at the same time that demand for cocaine levered off in North America.
Fernando Vaz, a spokesman for Guinea-Bissau's government, confirmed the arrests to the Reuters news agency, saying the rear admiral had been arrested off the coast of Cape Verde in a boat flying the Panama flag. Na Tchuto was one of two Bissau Guineans designated as drug kingpins, or "significant foreign narcotics traffickers" by the U.S. government in 2010, and hit with a U.S. travel ban and asset freeze.


Extract
Jose Americo Bubo Na Tchuto, Guinea-Bissau's former Navy Chief of Staff, and Ibraima Papa Camara, current Air Force Chief of Staff, are both involved in narcotics trafficking in Guinea-Bissau, including being linked to an aircraft suspected of flying a multi-hundred kilogram shipment of cocaine from Venezuela to Guinea-Bissau on July 12, 2008.  Na Tchuto has long been suspected of being a major facilitator of narcotics trafficking in Guinea-Bissau.  In August 2008, Na Tchuto fled into exile to The Gambia, but returned to Guinea-Bissau in late December 2009 to seek refuge at the United Nations Peace-Building Support Office. In addition to his narcotics trafficking activities that form the basis for his designation, most recently, Na Tchuto was complicit in the activities surrounding the illegal detention of Guinea-Bissau's Prime Minister Carlos Gomes Junior, and others on April 1, 2010.


Bubo Na Tchuto was a major player in the West African cocaine trade and will be an invaluable source of high value intel for the DEA. His extensive network of government officials, army officers and cartel contacts together with his 10-15 track record in the international cocaine trade could potentially enable him to broker a deal with the DEA for a lighter sentence or disappear completely into the witness protection program.  

Bubo Na Tchuto's personal fortune is estimated to be between 200-250 million dollars. The Confidential Source program is an important tool used by the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA). Confidential sources come from all walks of life and are significant to initiating investigations and providing information or services to facilitate arrests and seizures of drugs and cash. According to the DEA, it has approximately 4,000 active confidential sources at any one time.

In the eyes of the American government, Mr. Na Tchuto is a trafficking mastermind in a country that has become a global narcotics hub: the point man, for instance, when hundreds of pounds of cocaine were unloaded from a plane at the minuscule local airport two years ago. 

"He was an intermediary and he was paid for his services… he was obviously in a position to look the other way and even to provide protection for these shipments as they were offloaded," Mr Bagley said.

As navy chief he would have also been able to provide protection as the drugs were directed to "European markets through a variety of different routes including private aeroplanes up to and including camel trains across the Sahel and into areas where they could cross the Mediterranean", he added.

Bubo Na Tchuto was actually the force behind the forces,” said Dr. Abdel Fatau Musah, the political director for the Economic Community of West African States, a regional bloc of nations. “The fact that he is controlling things is very unpleasant for the region.”

As Mr. Na Tchuto rides around this crumbling West African capital in an outsize pick-up truck flanked by a personal guard of soldiers, offering his booming greeting to well-wishers. The president is still nominally in charge, but officials in the region worry that the nation has effectively fallen into the hands of Mr. Na Tchuto.
In December 2011 he was arrested after an attempted coup, there was speculation that it was in fact two factions of the armed forces fighting for control of the drug-smuggling trade. But at joint press conference army chief of staff Gen Antonio Injai and Defence Minister Bacrio Dja said it was an attempt by a group of soldiers to overthrow the government. 

Afterwards he managed to escape and was found hiding out in the unlikeliest of places — living in the United Nations building here, sleeping on a mattress on the floor of a United Nations office and sometimes eating in the canteen.

As Mr. Na Tchuto took refuge at the United Nations building, the secretary general’s representative in Bissau, Joseph Mutaboba, was reassuring the Security Council in New York that “conditions were now in place for political stability” in the country and that Guinea-Bissau was on a “journey towards peace, democracy and prosperity,” according to a Security Council announcement from March 5.


In an interview, Mr. Mutaboba said his fugitive guest, who was wanted by the government for treason, had been given sanctuary only reluctantly. The United Nations said at the time that Mr. Na Tchuto stepped onto the compound uninvited and declared that his life was in danger, making it “mindful of international human rights obligations governing such situations.”

Mr. Mutaboba said there was “no sign” that Mr. Na Tchuto was plotting a coup inside the building and that his cellphones had been confiscated to prevent trouble. Still, he acknowledged that it was possible that Mr. Na Tchuto had made contact with the outside.

“You cannot read deeply into what the military are up to, especially when you have shifting, opportunistic alliances,” Mr. Mutaboba said.
Now a free man, Mr. Na Tchuto also denied spending his time under the auspices of the United Nations plotting the April 1 coup. But in an interview at his lawyer’s office here, he noted: “I am a former guerrilheiro. I have the strength to transform difficult situations into something favourable.”

Still, the sudden onslaught of soldiers had taken him by surprise, he said, as have the American government’s allegations of drug trafficking.

“There’s no material proof that I was involved in drugs,” he said angrily. “Proof, proof, proof, proof. People say I am a criminal! I am a patriot!” he said, boasting about his service during the country’s war of liberation against the Portuguese in the 1960s and 1970s, which he said he joined at the age of 14.

For the United Nations, his presence in the multi story headquarters on a rutted road here has been a source of discomfort, both before and after the coup.

“The whole international community here was astonished at the U.N. behaviour ” a Western diplomat in Bissau said. “They didn't understand why they were harbouring such a character. He was not just sitting there watching television.”

Paulo Gorjão, director of the Portuguese Institute of International Relations and Security in Lisbon, goes even further: “He was under the protection of the U.N., planning a coup against the government. It was perfect.”

Hours after the coup, Mr. Na Tchuto appeared with his ally, Gen. Antonio Indjai, the new army chief, at a news conference introducing the country’s new bosses. Mr. Na Tchuto, who had been navy chief of staff under a previous government, did not get his old job back, but he still plays a very influential, if officially somewhat nebulous, role.

It was a stunning reversal for a man who had spent over a year in exile in Gambia, accused by those then leading Guinea-Bissau of plotting a coup against them. Mr. Na Tchuto sneaked back into the country on a fishing boat shortly after Christmas last year. It appears that he may of been helped to escape from detention in The Gambia by members of a South American Drug Cartel. Members of that cartel were recently sentenced to fifty years hard labour for drug trafficking over $1 billion worth of cocaine.

By turns genial and explosive, Mr. Na Tchuto appeared hurt by the American accusations, insisting that he admired America deeply, had dreamed about President Obama and had a large American flag in his living room.

“I ask the Americans to help establish justice and peace in this country,” he said, noting the history of instability here. There have been at least seven successful or attempted coups since independence in 1974, and in the last 12 years 4 presidents, 4 acting presidents and 11 prime ministers.

Mr. Na Tchuto deflected a question about whether he was now the real boss in Guinea-Bissau, saying through his lawyer that he “ didn't want to offend” the current president and army chief of staff by responding.

Others here are more blunt. “Bubo Na Tchuto has power, and he has money — and we know he has money from drugs — and he has a lot of people behind him,” said Idrissa Djaló, a leading businessman and former presidential candidate. “And so the situation is uncontrollable.”

At his hearing on the lingering treason charges Mr. Na Tchuto looked relaxed, showing up with his military guard and joking on the front porch of the military tribunal building with the officers who were going to judge him. It was all a mere “formality,” he said later.

A small crowd gathered across the street to stare at Mr. Na Tchuto in his navy blue admiral’s uniform. Everybody knew who he was. “He is a great chief,” murmured a man looking on, Do Geloso, a tailor. “He’s got the power.”

Is The U.S. Working With The Sinaloa Cartel?

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According to an article by the US publication Business Insider a senior  Mexican diplomat says America pretty much invited the Sinaloa Drug Cartel across the border.

Leaked emails from the private U.S. security firm Stratfor cite a Mexican diplomat who says the U.S. government works with Mexican cartels to traffic drugs into the United States and has sided with the Sinaloa cartel in an attempt to limit the violence in Mexico.

Many people have doubted the quality of Stratfor's intelligence, but the information from MX1—a Mexican foreign service officer who doubled as a confidential source for Stratfor—seems to corroborate recent claims about U.S. involvement in the drug war in Mexico. Most notably, the reports from MX1 line up with assertions by a Sinaloa cartel insider that cartel boss Joaquin Guzman is a U.S. informant, the Sinaloa cartel was "given carte blanche to continue to smuggle tons of illicit drugs into Chicago," and Operation Fast and Furious was part of an agreement to finance and arm the Sinaloa cartel in exchange for information used to take down rival cartels.

An email with the subject "Re: From MX1 -- 2" sent Monday, April 19, 2010, to Stratfor vice president of intelligence Fred Burton says: I think the US sent a signal that could be construed as follows:

"To the [Juárez] and Sinaloa cartels: Thank you for providing our market with drugs over the years. We are now concerned about your perpetration of violence, and would like to see you stop that. In this regard, please know that Sinaloa is bigger and better than [the Juárez cartel]. Also note that [Ciudad Juárez] is very important to us, as is the whole border. In this light, please talk amongst yourselves and lets all get back to business. Again, we recognize that Sinaloa is bigger and better, so either [the Juárez cartel] gets in line or we will mess you up." In sum, I have a gut feeling that the US agencies tried to send a signal telling the cartels to negotiate themselves. They unilaterally declared a winner, and this is unprecedented, and deserves analysis.

Bill Conroy of Narco News reports that MX1's description matches the publicly available information on Fernando de la Mora Salcedo — a Mexican foreign service officer who studied law at the University of New Mexico and served at the Mexican Consulates in El Paso, Texas, and Phoenix. In a June 13, 2010, email with the subject "Re: Get follow up from mx1? Thx," MX1 states that U.S. and Mexican law enforcement sent their "signal" by discretely brokering a deal with cartels in Tijuana, just south of San Diego, Calif., which reduced the violence in the area considerably. 
 Mexican Diplomat Fernando de la Mora

It is not so much a message for the Mexican government as it is for the Sinaloa cartel and [the Juárez cartel] themselves. Basically, the message they want to send out is that Sinaloa is winning and that the violence is unacceptable. They want the CARTELS to negotiate with EACH OTHER. The idea is that if they can do this, violence will drop and the governments will allow controlled drug trades.

The email went on to say that "the major routes and methods for bulk shipping into the US" from Ciudad Juárez, right across the border from El Paso, Texas, "have already been negotiated with US authorities" and that large shipments of drugs from the Sinaloa cartel "are OK with the Americans."

In July a Mexican state government spokesman told Al Jazeera that the CIA and other international security forces "don't fight drug traffickers" as much as "try to manage the drug trade." A mid-level Mexican official told Al Jazeera that based on discussions he's had with U.S. officials working in Ciudad Juárez, the allegations were true.
Fred Burton 

WikiLeaks has published 2,878 out of what it says is a cache of 5 million internal Stratfor emails (dated between July 2004 and December 2011) obtained by the hacker collective Anonymous around Christmas.  The accused LulzSec hacker Jeremy Hammond, a 27-year-old Chicago man was told by the court that he could be sentenced to life in prison for compromising the computers of Stratfor. Judge Loretta Preska told Hammond in a Manhattan courtroom on Tuesday that he could be sentenced to serve anywhere from 360 months-to-life if convicted on all charges relating to last year’s hack of Strategic Forecasting. Hammond is not likely to take the stand until next year, but so far has been imprisoned for eight months without trial. Legal proceedings in the case might soon be called into question, however, after it’s been revealed that Judge Preska’s husband was a victim of the Stratfor hack.
Jeremy Hammond

There are usually just three ways for a trafficker to leave a Mexican drug cartel: go to prison, get killed, or become a government informant. Most criminals who become informants do so because they've been arrested and squeezed, encouraged to betray their criminal employers in exchange for leniency. But this Sinaloa insider had an unusual story to tell about his first encounter with U.S. federal agents. It was his boss, a top manager at the Sinaloa cartel, who encouraged him to help the Americans. 

Meet with the U.S. investigators, he was told. See how
we can help them with information.The Sinaloa insider,  acting with the full approval of his cartel, strolled into the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) office for an appointment with federal investigators. He walked through a metal detector and past the portrait of the American president on the wall, then into a room with a one-way mirror. The agents he met were very polite. He was surprised by what they had to say. “One of the ICE agents said they were here to help [the Sinaloa cartel]. And to fuck the Vicente Carrillocartel. Sorry for the language. That’s exactly what they said.”

So began another small chapter in one of the most secretive aspects of the drug war: an extensive operation by Chapo Guzmán’s forces to manipulate American law enforcement to their own benefit. Guzmán’s broad strategy has been to knock off rivals and build his own cartel into the dominant criminal force south of the border. One of his tactics for achieving that has been to place his drug-dealing lieutenants as informants for the DEA and ICE. According to sources and court records, he has been carefully feeding intelligence to the Americans. Now, Newsweek has learned, there is a federal investigation into how ICE agents handled some Sinaloa informants near the border.

The implications are sobering: the Sinoloa cartel “is duping U.S. agencies into fighting its enemies,” says Prof. Tony Payan of the University of Texas at El Paso, who studies the cartel wars in Juárez. “Typical counter intelligence stuff. It’s smart. It’s so smart.” Humberto Loya- Castro, a charming and erudite Mexican lawyer who served as Guzmán’s adviser, may have been his most intriguing agent. He became a key informant for the Drug Enforcement Administration during the last decade. A former DEA official describes Loya-Castro as “astute, witty. He was extremely charismatic.” His tips led to arrests, seizures, and headlines. Many of those law-enforcement victories, though, were also triumphs for the Sinaloa cartel.
Humberto Loya- Castro

Loya-Castro was indicted by the United States in 1995, along with Guzmán. Back then, the lawyer was known by the alias “Licenciado Perez”—Lawyer Perez. The charges say he “protected the drugs and money of the Guzmán organization in Mexico by paying money to Mexican authorities” and “ensured that if key members of the Guzmán organization were arrested they did not remain in custody.”

Five years after the indictment, while Guzmán was still locked up, Loya-Castro first approached American officials, offering to feed them information. To appreciate his potential value, imagine if the leader of North Korea or Iran had a lawyer who offered to become an undercover U.S. operative. As a compadre of the Sinaloa boss, Loya-Castro had information that most investigators could only fantasize about. In 2005 he made it formal, signing paperwork that made him an official confidential informant for the DEA. Because he was a fugitive from justice, facing an outstanding warrant, a special DEA committee had to sign off on the whole operation.

He was a productive spy, handing over what seemed like ever more vital information, mostly about the Sinaloa cartel’s enemies. The DEA agent assigned to handle him was a relatively new investigator named Manuel Castanon. He had spent five years working for the Border Patrol, then joined the DEA in 1999. He was assigned to a special task force based out of San Diego—a unit that wasn't focused on the Sinaloa cartel. Rather, Castanon and his group were tasked with fighting one of Guzmán’s closest rivals, the Tijuana cartel, headed by the notoriously brutal Arellano Félix brothers.

The Tijuana cartel was small, but it was important because it controlled the vital smuggling routes through Baja California and San Diego. Both the DEA and Chapo Guzmán had an interest in its demise. One day Loya-Castro called Castanon to set up an urgent meeting. At a briefing with DEA officials, Loya-Castro warned them of a grave threat to their agents coming from one of Chapo’s enemies. He explained he had been dining with a former Mexican official when the official’s Nextel radio beeped. The caller was a member of the embattled Tijuana cartel who proceeded to outline a series of illegal plans. Loya-Castro could hear the whole conversation as if it were on a speaker phone  The Tijuana cartel was hiring a trained sniper nicknamed “the Monster,” Loya-Castro said, to shoot DEA agents and frighten them into leaving Tijuana. (A WikiLeaks cable describes the incident, and while Loya-Castro is not named in it, Newsweek has learned that he was the confidential source called “CS-01-013562.”)

The intended effect of such a tip was almost surely to focus the DEA on Guzmán’s rivals. It apparently worked: the Tijuana cartel has been mostly dismantled, and Chapo Guzmán has taken over lucrative territory. All along, Loya-Castro apparently insisted to his handlers that he had Guzmán wrapped around his finger. Guzmán, he said, was gulled into thinking that Loya-Castro was loyal to him. “His point to us,” says David Gaddis, a former top DEA official who oversaw operations in Mexico, Central America, and Canada, “was that ‘because of my position, Chapo has absolute, unfettered confidence in who I am and what I'm doing.’”

“I do think he was telling Chapo, ‘Hey, I'm meeting these guys,’” Gaddis tells Newsweek, “and Chapo allowed him to do it.”

Loya-Castro’s material was so rich—so helpful in various cases—that in 2008 the U.S. attorney’s office in San Diego had the indictment against him thrown out. And the intelligence kept coming. In December 2009, in an operation trumpeted around the world, Mexican Marines encircled and killed Arturo Beltrán Leyva, a leading drug lord who had splintered away from the Sinaloa group. In Chapo territory in Nogales, Sonora, residents fired pistols in the air to celebrate, according to Malcolm Beith’s book on Guzmán, The Last Narco.

It’s been reported that the Americans provided intelligence that led to Beltrán’s death. They even coordinated the signal intercepts that allowed the Mexican Marines to move in, according to a source who was involved. A source close to the cartel leadership says intelligence for the operation also came from Loya-Castro. In essence, it seems he had helped the Americans put a feather in their cap, while killing off one of his master’s worst enemies.

By this time, some people in DEA management were beginning to ask questions. The top target for the DEA was supposed to be Chapo Guzmán, and Loya-Castro wasn't doing anything at all on that front. Gaddis, who left the agency in 2011, says he spoke to the agents who handled Loya-Castro and pushed them to get information that would lead to Guzmán. The conversations went like this, Gaddis recalls: “I want you guys to turn up the heat and start having him work more effectively against the No. 1 guy.” But according to Gaddis, “that never came to fruition.”

Double- and triple-dealing is a danger in any spy operation, something to be guarded against. “You should not allow the informant to control you,” says John Fernandes, a 27-year veteran of the DEA whose last job was running the San Diego division. “That doesn't mean they won’t try. Manipulation is part of life.” Still, Fernandes maintains, in general “the DEA does an outstanding job of applying stringent standards.”

Gaddis says Loya-Castro did occasionally provide intelligence about the Sinaloa cartel, but not about its top rungs. And at least one internal DEA exchange cited in court documents indicates he was chiefly providing intelligence about the Sinaloa’s opposition. Gaddis, who now runs a security company called G-Global Protection Solutions, says he had believed Loya-Castro was a “double agent” the DEA used against Guzmán, but he’s now convinced he was more like a “triple agent.”
Jesus Manuel Fierro-Mendez 


Like most cops in the Mexican border city of Ciudad Juarez, Jesus Manuel Fierro-Mendez was dirty. In fact, soon after being promoted to the position of captain, he was smuggling enormous quantities of cocaine into the United States. And when Fierro-Mendez quit his job in the spring of 2007, after someone tried to kill him, he went to work for the Sinaloa drug cartel, the 47-year-old Fierro-Mendez testified in an El Paso court against Fernando Ontiveros-Arambula, his former boss in the Sinaloa cartel in Juarez – and one of Chapo Guzman’s top lieutenants. And Fierro-Mendez’s testimony contained some unexpected bombshells.

Nevertheless, when drug dealer and former police captain Fierro-Mendez testified in an El Paso court this winter, he explained that when he was smuggling kilos of cocaine into the U.S., he was also working as an informant for the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) service – which investigates drug smuggling.

“And was Chapo Guzman aware that you and others were giving information to ICE?” he was asked by the prosecutor. “Yes.”

Chapo Guzmán made his move to wrest control of Ciudad Juárez from the local cartel roughly six years ago, and he did so with help. He eventually hired local police captain Manuel Fierro Méndez, who has since been sentenced to 27 years in a U.S. prison. Fierro Méndez was also one of the informants Guzmán planted in U.S. law enforcement. We know this because Fierro Méndez would later testify in U.S. federal court, as a prosecution witness, that he was sent by the cartel to the ICE office in El Paso to give up specific intelligence about the men Guzmán was trying to eliminate.

“You were on a mission from Chapo to come provide information, correct?” he was asked in court in 2010. “Yes,” he replied. Fierro Méndez said he was like a “spokesperson,” passing information to ICE from Chapo, “information we would, obviously, get from the levels high up.”

“Was the Sinaloa cartel trying to use ICE to eliminate its rivals in La Linea?” a prosecutor asked. “That’s right,” Fierro Méndez replied. “And was Chapo Guzmán aware?” came the question. “That’s right,” said the former police officer.

He made it plain that that the cartel strictly forbade him to give up anything about the Sinaloa cartel, however. “Were you allowed to give information about Chapo?” “It wasn't allowed,” the dirty cop said, “and it wasn't asked of me.” In other words, he testified, the ICE agents he spoke to never required him to provide intelligence about the boss of his own criminal organization.

Such information did lead to significant drug busts, which helps explain why American agents were so eager to play along. The costs, however, are clear. “Now the Sinaloa cartel understands how you work, who your agents are, and what you want,” says the University of Texas’s Payan. “They are using you, and in the end that particular cartel is going to come out of it strong. The Sinaloa cartel is not only virtually untouched but it is magnified ... They don’t have any Mexican competition. At home, they are king.”

In all, at least five important figures in the Sinaloa cartel traipsed into the ICE offices in El Paso to relay information about the Juárez cartel. They provided tips about warehouses, drug routes, murders. They gave up information on who their enemies bribed and what their organizational charts were. And now, as Payan says, “the Juárez cartel is practically down to ashes, and to a large extent it was done with intelligence passed on by the Sinaloa cartel.”

A federal prosecutor based in San Antonio who has tried cases against some Sinaloa-cartel members, including those who helped ICE, concurs on that point. I asked him if the information campaign by Chapo Guzmán helped the Sinaloa cartel take over Juárez. “It did,” he said. “That’s what this was all about: because of the intensity of the struggle, they were trying to exploit every possible thing they could to get the upper hand.”

In a case ongoing in federal court in Chicago, lawyers for a top Sinaloa-cartel figure maintain that the DEA’s relationship with Guzmán’s lawyer was a virtual conspiracy to allow the Sinaloa cartel free rein. Arguing in front of the judge, one lawyer insisted that “this fellow Loya is not a normal informant. He’s an agent. He’s an agent for the Sinaloa cartel.”
Jesus Vicente Zambada-Niebla

A high-ranking member of the Sinaloa drug cartel operative currently in U.S. custody alleges that Operation Fast and Furious was part of an agreement to finance and arm the Sinaloa cartel in exchange for information used to take down rival cartels, according to court documents. The statement was made by Jesus Vicente Zambada-Niebla, the Sinaloa cartel’s “logistics coordinator” in charge of arranging massive drug shipments from Latin America to the United States as well as the son of cartel leader Ismael “Mayo” Zambada-Garcia and a close associate to kingpin Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman. Zambada-Niebla was arrested by Mexican authorities in March 2009 and extradited to Chicago to face drug trafficking charges.

From the court document:
[T]he United States government at its highest levels entered into agreements with cartel leaders to act as informants against rival cartels and received benefits in return, including, but not limited to, access to thousands of weapons which helped them continue their business of smuggling drugs into Chicago and throughout the United States, and to continue wreaking havoc on the citizens and law enforcement in Mexico.  

Zambada-Niebla believes that he, like the leadership of the Sinaloa cartel, was "immune from arrest or prosecution" because he also actively provided information to U.S. federal agents.
In its official response to the discovery motion, the government stated that there are “classified materials” regarding the case but argued they “do not support the defendant’s claim that he was promised immunity or public authority for his actions.” 

Zambada-Niebla's lawyer is seeking government "documents, files, recordings, notes, and additional forms of evidence" that would support claims that federal agents personally assured Zambada-Niebla that "he would not be arrested, that the agents knew of his prior cooperation... that they just wanted to continue receiving information... [and] that the arrangements with him had been approved at the highest levels of the United States government."

Zambada-Niebla was allegedly arrested five hours after he met with the federal agents.
Jason Howerton of the Blaze reports that the documents detailing the relationship between the federal government and the Sinaloa Cartel "have still not been released or subjected to review — citing matters of national security."
The motion for discovery claims the agreement between the U.S. government and the Sinaloa cartel began sometime before 2004 and lasted at least until March 2009 as part of America's "Divide and Conquer" strategy against other cartels, in which the U.S. would use "one drug organization to help against others."
Ismael Zambada Garcia. El Mayo

From the court document:
Under that agreement, the Sinaloa Cartel under the leadership of defendant’s father, Ismael Zambada-Niebla and “Chapo” Guzman, were given carte blanche to continue to smuggle tons of illicit drugs into Chicago and the rest of the United States and were also protected by the United States government from arrest and prosecution in return for providing information against rival cartels which helped Mexican and United States authorities capture or kill thousands of rival cartel members.

The Flores twins, 31-year-old Chicago drug traffickers, now in U.S. custody and acting as informants in a plea deal whose details remain secret, will be the star witnesses in the Chicago trial of Jesús Vicente Zambada-Niebla, a head of the Sinaloa cartel and the biggest Mexican drug kingpin ever to be prosecuted in a U.S. courtroom.

In court filings, Zambada-Niebla's lawyers claim he, like the Flores brothers, was working with the Drug Enforcement Administration, and that in exchange for intel on rival cartels, the U.S. government turned a blind eye as "tons of illicit drugs continued to be smuggled into Chicago and other parts of the United States." In the months building up to the trial, a litany of court documents has been released that describe Chicago as a major distribution hub. The filings also suggest that damning details will be revealed about U.S. cooperation with some of the world's most powerful narcos.

Vicente Zambada-Niebla caught the attention of the Latin American press corps last March when he entered a plea of not guilty by reason of a pre-existing immunity agreement with the DEA. The two-pronged defense argued immunity and "public authority," a specific kind of immunity that claims he acted under the auspices of the U.S. government. Zambada-Niebla asserts that U.S. law enforcement gave him carte blanche to coordinate the cartel's smuggling operations into Chicago and throughout the U.S. and permitted the remittance of billions of dollars in cash back to Mexico. He further alleges that the U.S. was complicit in arming the Sinaloa cartel with semiautomatic weapons, which it used to wage war on its foes.

On September 9, federal prosecutors filed a motion in U.S. District Court in Chicago seeking to invoke the Classified Information Procedures Act (CIPA), in the trial of Sinaloa cartel operative, Vicente Zambada-Niebla who alleges an agreement exists between the U.S. government and his bosses. The CIPA was enacted over 30 years ago to prevent public disclosure in criminal cases of classified information.
Vicente Zambada-Niebla

Zambada-Niebla, his head now shaved and skin tightly drawn against his cheekbones, was transferred in October to a federal prison in Milan, Michigan. But his lawyers claim the conditions in prison have actually worsened, with new restrictions placed on his ability to see visitors and to receive his mail on time. The location of the prison, nearly five hours from Chicago, has brought accusations from the defence that the government is hampering his lawyers' ability to communicate with their client.

The breaks the Flores twins have received for cooperating with the government have made for contentious courtroom exchanges between the government prosecutors and the defense team, who have been filing competing motions dating back to July 2011. At the heart of the issue is the fight for government documents revealing communication between federal agents and cartel members, and the 32-year-old Classified Information Procedures Act the prosecution has cited in denying the release of the overwhelming bulk of these documents.

Alvin Michaelson, a lawyer for the defence  complained at a pretrial hearing last December that the government was withholding information that impugned the credibility of the Flores twins as witnesses. "We know that there are witnesses that have been interviewed here in the Chicago area who...talk about the reputation of the Flores brothers as murderers, as thieves, liars," Michaelson said before Judge Castillo. "No one trusts the Flores brothers, no one, and...those are the two key witnesses in this case. We believe, we know, we've heard that the government gave enormous benefits to the Flores brothers' families, friends, including the ability to keep their ill-gotten gains while they were working with the government; that agents here in Chicago perhaps...knew about the situation.


By 2001, the Flores brothers had become the main connection to Chicago for several of the leading Mexican drug cartels. They were the principal link in a drug-supply chain that connected Colombian producers with Mexican smugglers and on to North American consumers. According to court documents, the drugs were delivered to the U.S. by a variety of means—on speedboats, fishing vessels, Boeing 747 cargo planes, container ships and tractor trailers, and even by submarine.

Court filings estimate their annual income at $700 million, according to a 2009 Washington Post article; the Flores crew reportedly shrink-wrapped the cash proceeds and hid them inside condominiums and brick split-levels in Chicago, Hinsdale, Palos Hills and Plainfield registered to relatives and girlfriends with no criminal records. 
Flores twins 

To get an idea of just how large the Flores operation was, one only needs to compare their $700 million estimated annual income to the total street value of all drugs seized in Chicago: $208 million worth in 2009, $139 million in 2008, $118 million in 2007, $143 million in 2006 and $235 million in 2005, according to the Chicago Police Department. In any given year, drug seizures never reached a third of the value of what the Flores crew dealt annually. After the Flores empire was dismantled, cocaine prices surged on the streets of Chicago, from $18,000 per kilo to $29,000 in 2009, according to the U.S. Department of Justice.


The Flores twins may be important enough to the government's case against Zambada-Niebla for the record of their once-vast criminal empire to be expunged, maybe they will be ghosted off to some tropical paradise under the witness protection programme. But by the end of what stands to be a long and drawn-out trial, what will likely prove most important is what sensitive details are revealed about the true nature of the relationship that federal agencies had with Zambada-Niebla and the Sinaloa cartel. Did the U.S. allow tons of illegal narcotics into its borders, as Zambada-Niebla asserts? His testimony versus the Flores twins will ultimately decide the outcome of the most important narco case to grace a Chicago federal courthouse. BullionVault

A Drug Family in the Winner’s Circle

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Just three years ago, Jose Trevino Morales was working as a bricklayer in Texas, and his wife, Zulema Flores Trevino, was an office clerk for a staffing company.

They lived in Balch Springs, Texas, outside Dallas. They raised four children and made less than $60,000 total in 2009 from those jobs. They often only had about $2,000 in their bank account.

In late 2009, that all changed. That fall, Jose Trevino started up a racehorse operation.
It was funded — the FBI says — by millions of dollars from the powerful and violent Los Zetas Mexican drug cartel run by his two younger brothers.The FBI claims the two brothers, over the last two years, have funneled $1 million a month into the United States to purchase race horses.

Last year, Jose Trevino and his wife moved their operation to a sprawling quarter-horse ranch near Lexington, south of Oklahoma City. He named the ranch Zule Farms, after his wife. There they made improvements and cared for about 400 horses.

Newcomers rarely make it into the winner’s circle at the A.A.F,considered the Kentucky Derby of quarter horse racing. 

Yet in September 2010, a beaming band of men waving Mexican flags and miniature piñatas swept into Ruidoso, N.M., to claim the million-dollar prize with a long-shot colt named Mr. Piloto. Leading the revelry at the track was Mr. Piloto’s owner, José Treviño Morales, 45, a self-described brick mason who had grown up poor in Mexico. Across the border, Ramiro Villarreal, an affable associate who had helped acquire the winning colt, celebrated at a bar with friends.

As for the man who made the whole day possible, Miguel Ángel Treviño Morales, he was living on the run, one of the most wanted drug traffickers in the world. Mr. Treviño, a younger brother of José Treviño, is second in command of Mexico’s Zetas drug trafficking organization. Thin with a furrowed brow, he has become the organization’s lead enforcer — infamous for dismembering his victims while they are still alive.


To get in on the action at American tracks, Miguel Ángel Treviño needed someone he could trust to pick a winner. For that, he turned to Mr. Villarreal.

Mr. Villarreal was an unlikely horseman, the socially awkward son of a bookkeeper and teacher known for his build and bottomless appetite as “El Gordo,” or “Fatso.” He began attending auctions as a child, and developed an uncanny ability to spot horses that may not have come from the best lineage, but whose stride or attitude suggested an exceptional capacity for speed.

Mr. Villarreal’s parents said he started buying horses as a teenager, mostly borrowing from relatives and friends. Still, he never seemed to have enough to purchase the kinds of horses that could compete for major prizes. Nor did the strikingly effeminate man ever develop the social skills needed to fit into the macho world of breeders and trainers.

In some ways, said one friend, he stopped trying. For a while, he named his horses after runway models — like Campbell, as in Naomi, and Elle, as in Macpherson — because he was captivated by women’s fashion.

Mr. Villarreal got his big break in 2006, when he cobbled together $10,500 to buy a colt at an auction at Los Alamitos, records show. He took the horse to Mexico, named it “El Sicario” — which means “The Assassin” — and entered it in the parejera circuit, where it began to beat younger, better-rated competitors.

“That horse got 40’s attention,” said one of Mr. Villarreal’s friends. “He told Ramiro, ‘I want you to buy horses for me.’ ”

Soon, the younger Mr. Villarreal’s name began appearing on the lists of the top buyers at auctions in California, Texas, New Mexico and Oklahoma. His first champion was Tempting Dash, which won more than $600,000 in 2009, set a track record during the Texas Classic Futurity and gave Tremor its first victory in a million-dollar race.

No matter how successful, Mr. Villarreal always showed deference to his boss, calling him “Papi.” When Miguel Ángel Treviño wanted to see Tempting Dash for himself, Mr. Villarreal drove the horse, along with dozens of others, to Mexico.

Getting back was more complicated. To avoid inspections, quarantines and other procedures required for bringing livestock into the United States, Mr. Villarreal had trainers sneak the horses back across the border, herding them just after dawn through the Rio Grande.

As much as Miguel Ángel Treviño relied on Mr. Villarreal, he needed his brother, José, to be the face of his fledgling American horse business.

José Treviño, the clean-cut father of three, with a small tattooed Tremor logo on his hand, almost always attended races with his family at his side. He often credited his success to a combination of divine intervention and dumb luck.
Jose Trevino Morales 
At the start, José Treviño seemed reticent in the spotlight, avoiding reporters by pretending he did not speak good English. But the more races he won, the more comfortable he seemed with cameras and microphones. People who knew him said he never sought out the media, but never refused to talk when they called.

When the colt named Mr. Piloto won the All American Futurity in Ruidoso, N.M., racing writers called it the “biggest upset in All-American history,” and marvelled at how Mr. Treviño, with a “green-as-grass” horse, could beat competitors with better qualifying times and world-class jockeys.

Mr. Piloto may have had help. The F.B.I. affidavit said Miguel Ángel Treviño boasted to associates that he had paid some $10,000 to “gatekeepers to hold back the horses competing against Mr. Piloto.”Last year a sorrel filly named Separate Fire swept the Ed Burke Futurity at Los Alamitos, Calif., delivering José Treviño his third race where the top prizes were worth $1 million — a record.

Last year, said people who know him, José Treviño moved his family from a modest suburban house in Mesquite, Tex., where he said he worked in the construction industry, to a large ranch outside Lexington, Okla.

The 70-acre ranch, Zule Farms, is named after his wife, Zulema, a former secretary who told people that she kept the books for Tremor. A person familiar with the ranch said that Mr. Treviño had converted a cattle barn on the property into a breeding facility, with state-of-the-art labs and special stalls where mares are implanted with embryos.

“There’s no way all the money he’s putting into that ranch came from being a brick mason. It’s just not logical,” said a person familiar with Zule Farms.

Federal authorities said that José and Zulema Treviño earned less than $70,000 in 2008 and less than $60,000 in 2009.

Even so, he bought horses worth hundreds of thousands of dollars at a time, according to the affidavit. On at least a couple occasions, he had other people sign for the company’s major purchases, quarter horse industry records show. One deal was signed by a teenager who looked too young to drive. The other was handled by the scion of a prominent quarter horse family, Tyler Graham, who stunned a packed auction house in Oklahoma by agreeing to pay a record $875,000 for a broodmare named Dashin Follies.

At the time of the sale, Mr. Graham said he was buying the horse on behalf of a client he would only identify as “a Mexico resident.” Shortly afterwards  records show, he turned the horse over to Tremor. Mr. Graham has not been accused of any wrongdoing.

An industry expert who attended the auction said the sale prompted more rumours  But he said sketchy deals are not uncommon in an industry where payments are made in cash and records are notoriously — even deliberately — unreliable.

“If someone walks into an auction with hundreds of thousands of dollars, and refuses to give his name, no one is going turn him away,” the industry expert said. “What they’ll tell him is, ‘We’ll register the horse in any name you want.’ ”

As José Treviño’s prominence grew in the quarter horse community, so did Miguel Ángel Treviño’s place in the drug trade. By the end of 2010, he had helped lead a brutal expansion so deep into Mexico that the Zetas became not only a priority for Mexico’s security forces, but also an enemy that inspired other drug organizations to join forces and fight.

Miguel Ángel Treviño’s control over drug warehouses and hit squads across the border also compelled United States authorities to offer a $5 million reward for information leading to his arrest.

At the same time, Mr. Villarreal was falling out of favour with Tremor. He was openly upset that the Zetas had forced him to transfer ownership of one of his best racehorses to Tremor, according to the affidavit, which said the cartel used “the threat of death” to compel associates to sign over horses or help them move money.

Mr. Villarreal was also in debt because the Treviño brothers barely paid him enough to cover travel costs, friends said. Mr. Villarreal began padding his expenses, prompting Miguel Ángel Treviño to suspect him of skimming money from Tremor, the friends said.

In September 2010, Mr. Villarreal was travelling to a horse auction in Oklahoma when he was detained by D.E.A. agents during a layover at a Houston airport. A spokesman for the agency refused to comment on its relationship with Mr. Villarreal.

But several law enforcement officials familiar with the case said agents held him for up to six hours, questioning him about his ties to Miguel Ángel Treviño. Before releasing him, the agents confiscated Mr. Villarreal’s cellphone and computer, and ordered him to meet with them a few days later.

When Mr. Villarreal returned, the agents said he could either work for them as an informant or face being prosecuted himself, according to the officials. The D.E.A. wanted Mr. Villarreal to help track Miguel Ángel Treviño’s whereabouts and then lure him into the United States.

Mr. Villarreal pleaded that he was too nervous to pull off the ruse, adding that Miguel Ángel Treviño would never trust him enough to follow him across the border.

But the D.E.A. insisted and a beleaguered Mr. Villarreal relented, the officials said.

At least once, Mr. Villarreal tipped off his handlers when Miguel Ángel Treviño went to a racetrack in Nuevo Laredo.

“Mexican authorities took pictures of 40, but they didn't try to arrest him,” said one of Mr. Villarreal’s friends. “They told Ramiro that they were afraid too many people might get killed. Ramiro told them if they waited any longer, he was going to get killed.”
Villareals charred remains found in car

Sometime around the end of that year, Miguel Ángel Treviño summoned Mr. Villarreal to a meeting. Mr. Villarreal’s friends recounted the following incident as he had described it to them.

A pickup point was arranged in Laredo, where Mr. Villarreal was blindfolded and then driven into the Mexican desert by gang members.

Minutes dragged as Mr. Villarreal waited for Miguel Ángel Treviño. He saw two vats filled with a liquid he presumed to be acid, one of the trafficker’s preferred methods for disposing of bodies.

Miguel Ángel Treviño arrived about an hour later in a car with more lieutenants and an unknown man, who was also wearing a blindfold.

The trafficker hugged Mr. Villarreal and asked, “You’re not screwing me, are you, Gordo?”

“No, of course not, Papi,” Mr. Villarreal answered.

Saying he would be back “in a minute,” Miguel Ángel Treviño walked over to the unknown man, took off his blindfold, shot him in the head and ordered his men to dump the body in one of the vats of acid.

Mr. Villarreal passed out. He told his friends he did not know how long he was unconscious, but when he awoke Miguel Ángel Treviño was slapping him in the face and laughing.

“What’s wrong, Gordo?” he joked. “You can’t handle seeing me kill someone? Next time, I'm going to have you do it.”

“No Papi,” Mr. Villarreal said. “I don’t want there to be a next time.”

The drug trafficker got back into his car and drove away. Mr. Villarreal was taken back to Laredo, where he immediately implored the D.E.A. to release him from their agreement.

“When I met him he was a complete mess; profusely sweating, gangrene in one leg, and barely able to walk,” said a former law enforcement official. “He was in between a rock and a hard place: either stay in the United States and risk going to prison, or go back to Mexico and risk getting killed.”
Miguel Ángel Treviño
In the end, Mr. Villarreal, 38, continued informing for the D.E.A. and in March, Miguel Ángel Treviño summoned him to another meeting.

On March 10, 2011, Mr. Villarreal’s car was found incinerated outside Nuevo Laredo. There was so little left of him that authorities took DNA samples from the ashes to identify his remains. One federal law enforcement official said some agents believed his death was an accident, but acknowledged that no investigation was conducted.

Mr. Villarreal’s father said he had little hope of ever finding the truth. Asked who he thought was behind Mr. Villarreal’s death, the round, balding man looked over at his wife, tears streaming down her cheeks, and echoed a refrain heard from so many Mexican crime victims. “If we ask questions, we could be the next ones to die, so for us, this is a closed chapter.”

Whispers of a “mob hit” spread across the quarter horse industry. In March, law enforcement agents even raided Tremor’s stables at Los Alamitos racetrack after receiving tips that Omar Treviño had flown there to look at some new horses. But none of it seemed to slow down Tremor’s business.

Last weekend, at Los Alamitos, a Tremor colt named Mr. Ease Cartel ran the second-fastest qualifying time for a million-dollar race scheduled for June 24. When Jose Treviño’s daughter was married recently, guests included prominent figures in the industry, and Track magazine covered the “big event” online.

“If he had been some thug, or the stereotypical person you’d expect to be in a drug cartel, then maybe people wouldn’t have accepted him and done business with him,” a former trainer said of José Treviño. “But he’s a really nice guy, so none of us wanted to believe he could have anything to do with the killing going on in Mexico.”

The Grahams the  prominent Texas family with connections to the state’s top officials is alleged to have purchased and boarded horses for a Mexican drug cartel engaged in money laundering, according to court records.

Federal indictments recently unsealed in Austin allege that 14 defendants with Spanish surnames used elite U.S. racehorses to launder millions of dollars of drug money for Mexico’s ruthless Los Zetas cartel. The indictments also implicate the renowned South-West Stallion Station breeding stables outside Austin, run by a veterinarian named Charles Graham and his grandson Tyler. Over the past decade, they have contributed almost $250,000 to federal and state politicians led by Texas’ top three officials. In 2008 Gov. Perry appointed Dr. Graham to the now-defunct Texas Department of Rural Affairs. The Grahams haven’t been charged with wrongdoing, and their names don’t appear in the indictments. But allegations made against their stables in the indictments suggest that the Zetas cartel paid the Grahams a small fortune in recent years. In all, Tyler Graham bought more than $1 million worth of horses that ended up in the hands of the Zetas cartel, which made at least $550,000 in payments to the Grahams’ stable, according to trade publications and the indictment. The Grahams didn’t respond to calls and emails seeking comment.
Charles Graham

While never mentioning the Grahams, the money-laundering indictment alleges that the Zeta conspirators paid their South-West Stallion stables $550,000 last July to board and breed Zeta racehorses. One way the cartel laundered money, according to the indictment, was to let cartel flunkies hold title to a horse until it won a big race or became lucrative through the sale of breeding rights. Then backdated contracts were drawn up suggesting that Jose Treviño—one of three brothers at the centre of the conspiracy—presciently bought the champ on the relative cheap just before it hit the big leagues, according to the indictments. One Zeta horse was not-so-subtly christened Number One Cartel.

In 2010 Tyler Graham went to Oklahoma City to attend the horse auction at Heritage Place, a 40-acre facility co-owned by Charles Graham, according to TRACK Magazine. Amid a global economic crisis, average sales prices at the auction increased by 14 percent over the year before. Driving this inflation, Tyler Graham placed the winning bids on the event’s two most-expensive horses. He bid $250,000 for a young mare named Coronita Cartel and a record $875,000 for the breeding mare Dashin Follies. TRACK Magazine reported at the time that Graham shipped the mares home to South-West Stallion Stables—but not on his own account. The trade publication reported that Graham “was acting as an agent for an undisclosed buyer who reportedly is a Mexican resident.”

Describing that same auction, the recent indictments allege that defendant Jose Treviño “directed the purchase” of both horses “in a nominee name.” Then a company controlled by Mexican businessman Alejandro Barrandas allegedly wired more than $900,000 while defendant Luis Gerardo Aguirre allegedly supplied another $100,000 in cash, according to the indictments. Two other defendants allegedly then paid to board the horses for six weeks at the stables before the prize horse were shipped to Jose Treviño’s Oklahoma ranch, according to the indictment.

In August, Tyler Graham posted photos on Facebook of some of his yearlings, including Tahiti Cartel. Sired by Carona Cartel, the horse sold at Heritage Place in September 2011 for $50,000. Among Graham’s friends on Facebook: Ramiro Villarreal, a gifted Mexican horseman who Miguel Treviño, the second-highest ranking Zeta, recruited to help build his quarter-horse enterprise. At some point, Villarreal reluctantly became a DEA informant, according to The New York Times; in March 2011, his charred remains were found in a car outside Nuevo Laredo.
Tyler Graham
Trade publications and the recent indictments indicate that Tyler Graham bought more than $1 million worth of horses that wound up with the Zetas and that cartel made at least $550,000 in payments to the Grahams’ stable. It’s not clear if the Grahams knew who they were buying horses for. The copy of the indictments made public redacts the name of one unknown defendant.

Not in doubt are the Graham’s political connections. Since 2001, the Grahams have contributed $32,025 to Perry’s campaign account, accord to state records. They’ve also donated to Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst ($17,100), House Speaker Joe Straus ($15,500), a San Antonio Republican, and state Sen. Kirk Watson ($15,500), an Austin Democrat.


Miguel Ángel Treviño, known as Zeta-40, or just 40, was never in the military. But he became useful to the Zetas for his experience moving contraband across the border.

Law enforcement authorities say the Zetas have been able to rapidly expand their reach beyond Mexico’s borders with the United States and Guatemala. And while other Mexican drug organizations prefer to keep themselves and their money close to home, the Zetas have established outposts as far as South America and West Africa.BullionVault

Mexico's Drug War

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Mexico's Drug War: Balkanization Leads to Regional Challenges
This Security Weekly assesses the most significant cartel-related developments of the first quarter of 2013 and provides updated profiles of Mexico's powerful criminal cartels, as well as a forecast for the rest of this year. It's the executive summary of a more detailed report available to clients of our Mexico Security Monitor service.

"Mexico's Drug War: Balkanization Leads to Regional Challenges is republished with permission of Stratfor."

By Tristan Reed
Tactical Analyst

Balkanization of Cartels
Since the late 1980s demise of the Guadalajara cartel, which controlled drug trade routes into the United States through most of Mexico, Mexican cartels have followed a trend of fracturing into more geographically compact, regional crime networks. This trend, which we are referring to as "Balkanization," has continued for more than two decades and has impacted all of the major cartel groups in Mexico. Indeed the Sinaloa Federation lost significant assets when the organizations run by Beltran Leyva and Ignacio Coronel split away from it. Los Zetas, currently the other most powerful cartel in Mexico, was formed when it split off from the Gulf cartel in 2010. Still these two organizations have fought hard to resist the trend of fracturing and have been able to grow despite being affected by it. This led to the polarized dynamic observed in 2011 when these two dominant Mexican cartels effectively split Mexican organized crime in two, with one group composed of Los Zetas and its allies and the other composed of the Sinaloa Federation and its allies.

This trend toward polarization has since been reversed, however, as Balkanization has led to rising regional challenges to both organizations since 2012. Most notable among these is the split between the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion and the Sinaloa Federation. The Sinaloa Federation continues to struggle with regional crime groups for control in western Chihuahua state, northern Sinaloa state, Jalisco state and northern Sonora state. Similarly, Los Zetas saw several regional challengers in 2012. Two regional groups saw sharp increases in their operational capabilities during 2012 and through the first quarter of 2013. These were the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion and the Knights Templar.

The Beltran Leyva Organizationprovides another example of the regionalization of Mexican organized crime. It has become an umbrella of autonomous, and in some cases conflicting, groups. Many of the groups that emerged from it control specific geographic areas and fight among each other largely in isolation from the conflict between Los Zetas and the Sinaloa Federation. Many of these successor crime groups, such as the Independent Cartel of Acapulco, Los Rojos and Guerreros Unidos are currently fighting for their own geographic niches. As its name implies, the Independent Cartel of Acapulco mostly acts in Acapulco, while Los Rojos and Guerreros Unidos mostly act in Morelos state.

The ongoing fragmentation of Mexican cartels is not likely to reverse, at least not in the next few years. Despite this, while Los Zetas and the Sinaloa Federation continue to face new rivals and suffer from internal splintering, their resources are not necessarily declining. Neither criminal organization faces implosion or a substantial decline as a transnational criminal organization as a result of rising regional challengers. Both Los Zetas and the Sinaloa Federation continue to extend their drug trafficking operations on a transnational level, increasing both their influence and profits. Still, they will continue to face the new reality, in which they are forced to work with -- or fight -- regional groups.

Los Zetas
In Hidalgo state, a former Zetas stronghold, the Knights Templar have made significant inroads, although violence has not risen to the level of that in the previously mentioned states. Also, the turf war within Nuevo Leon and Tamaulipas states between the Gulf cartel and Los Zetas that began when Los Zetas split from the Gulf cartel in 2010 continues.

In light of Ivan "El Taliban" Velazquez Caballero's dissent from Los Zetas and the death of former leader Heriberto "El Lazca" Lazcano Lazcano, Zetas leader Miguel "Z-40" Trevino Morales could face organizational integrity issues during 2013. Signs of such issues appeared in Cancun during the first quarter when some members of Los Zetas reportedly broke from the group and adopted the Gulf cartel name. Besides possible minor dissent, a seemingly new rival has emerged in Tabasco state to counter Los Zetas. A group called Pueblo Unido Contra la Delincuencia, Spanish for "People United Against Crime," carried out a series of executions in Tabasco state throughout the first quarter, but the group's origins and significance remain unclear. No indicators of substantial splintering among Los Zetas have emerged since the Velazquez split.

Sinaloa Federation
Regional organizations continued to challenge the Sinaloa Federation on its turf in western Chihuahua state, northern Sinaloa state and Jalisco state through the first quarter. Intercartel violence in mountainous western Chihuahua continues as the Sinaloa Federation fights La Linea for control of the region's smuggling routes and drug cultivation areas. Los Mazatlecos so far has maintained its control over northern Sinaloa cities, such as Los Mochis and Guasave. It also has continued violent incursions into southern areas of Sinaloa state, such as Mazatlan, Concordia and El Rosario with its ally Los Zetas. 

Gulf Cartel
At the beginning of 2012, Gulf cartel territory appeared likely to be absorbed by larger cartels -- essentially signaling the end of the Gulf cartel. Support from the Sinaloa Federation and the Knights Templar combined with fractures within Los Zetas allowed a Gulf cartel resurgence, leading to a renewed Gulf assault on Los Zetas in the northeastern states of Mexico. The resurgence ended with a series of notable arrests during the last quarter of 2012, such as that of former top leader Jorge Eduardo "El Coss" Costilla Sanchez. The arrests triggered additional Gulf cartel infighting, which peaked in March 2013.

The escalated infighting in the Gulf cartel, particularly in Reynosa, Tamaulipas state, highlighted the new state of the Gulf cartel: Instead of operating as a cohesive criminal network, the Gulf cartel now consists of factions linked by history and the Gulf label. The infighting began in 2010 after the death of former top Gulf cartel leader Antonio Ezequiel "Tony Tormenta" Cardenas Guillen. The death of Cardenas Guillen split the Gulf cartel into two main factions, Los Rojos and Los Metros. By the first quarter of 2013, infighting had broken out between Los Metros leaders, such as Mario "Pelon" Ramirez Trevino, David "Metro 4" Salgado and Miguel "El Gringo" Villarreal. This suggests the Gulf cartel is further fractured and no longer consists of just two opposing sides. The Gulf cartel may begin acting as a cohesive network during the second quarter after the escalated infighting in March, though this cannot be definitely predicted.

From March 10 to March 19, Reynosa became the focal point for Gulf cartel infighting as Ramirez Trevino escalated his conflict against Villarreal. Ramirez Trevino reportedly expelled Villarreal's faction and its allies from the Reynosa plaza and killed Salgado. This could mean Ramirez Trevino has consolidated control over other Gulf cartel factions. If true, this would represent a substantial shift in organized criminal operations in northeastern Tamaulipas state, where the Sinaloa Federation and the Knights Templar smuggle drugs, people and other illicit commodities through the border towns of Reynosa and Matamoros while Los Zetas maintain a constant interest in fighting for control of the stated cities.

As mentioned during the last annual update, Gulf cartel factions are increasingly reliant on Sinaloa Federation and Knights Templar support to defend the remaining Gulf cartel territory in Tamaulipas state from Los Zetas. This certainly remains true after the first quarter, although the recent shift from Gulf cartel infighting may signal a shift in inter cartel dynamics. Since the Gulf cartel in reality consists of separate factions, there is likely a separate relationship between each Gulf cartel faction and the larger criminal organizations reportedly in alignment with them. With Ramirez Trevino now in charge of Reynosa, a city valued by both the Sinaloa Federation and the Knights Templar, his existing relationship with the two organizations will likely influence their strategies for maintaining their interests in Gulf cartel-controlled areas. Additionally, it is not yet clear whether Ramirez Trevino suffered any substantial losses during the March fighting in Reynosa. If he did lose some capabilities fighting Los Zetas in Tamaulipas state, or if he has challenged a faction loyal to either the Sinaloa Federation or the Knights Templar, either organization would likely have to use its own gunmen for defending Gulf cartel-controlled areas or mounting their own incursions into Zetas territory, particularly Nuevo Laredo.

Intercartel violence in the Gulf cartel-controlled city of Reynosa will likely diminish compared to the first quarter of 2013 if Ramirez Trevino has indeed won. This reduction in violence will continue only as long as Ramirez Trevino is able to hold his control over Reynosa. Influence from external organizations, such as Los Zetas, the Sinaloa Federation and the Knights Templar, could once again spark violence if Ramirez Trevino's efforts have harmed their trafficking operations through Reynosa or presented a new opportunity to seize control. What, if any, Gulf cartel infighting is ongoing is difficult to gauge.

Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion
The severing of the relationship between the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion and the Sinaloa Federation came to the forefront of conflicts in the Pacific states of Michoacan and Jalisco during the first quarter of 2013. The Sinaloa Federation relied on its alliance with the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion in defending the critical location of Guadalajara from Los Zetas and used the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion as an assault force into Los Zetas strongholds, such as Veracruz state.

Although evidence of the rift between the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion and the Sinaloa Federation began to appear in open-source reporting during the last half of 2012, the conflict between the two organizations only became clear when the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion went on the offensive in Jalisco state by attacking Sinaloa Federation allies Los Coroneles, the Knights Templar and the Gulf cartel. 

With a now-fully independent Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion, the polarization of warring cartels in Mexico has effectively ended. In addition to the existing conflicts between the Sinaloa Federation and Los Zetas, the Sinaloa Federation must now focus on reclaiming an operational hold over Jalisco state from the now-rival Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion. The second quarter will continue to see a conflict between the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion and Sinaloa Federation-aligned groups in Jalisco state as well as neighboring states like Michoacan.

Knights Templar
The Knights Templar experienced intensified conflict during the first quarter from their principal rival, Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion. In an effort to combat the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion, the Knights Templar have allied with other Sinaloa Federation-aligned groups, the Gulf cartel and Los Coroneles, referring to themselves as "Los Aliados" to fight the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion within Jalisco. Violence as a result of this alliance against the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion has been most notable in the Guadalajara metropolitan area as well as towns lying on highways 15 and 90, which connect to Guadalajara.

In addition to the Knights Templar offensive into Jalisco state, the group is currently defending its stronghold of Michoacan state. The Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion also has conducted violent assaults against the Knights Templar in Michoacan, particularly on routes leading from Jalisco state toward Apatzingan, Michoacan state. This assault has increased intercartel violence along the border of the two states as part of a tit-for-tat dynamic. 

Citizens of Buenavista Tomatlan, Michoacan state, a municipality lying amid territory contested by the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion and the Knights Templar, have recently set up a community police force to counter Knights Templar operations in the municipality. As in some other areas of Mexico, this community police force is a volunteer force that assumed law enforcement responsibilities independent of the Mexican government. The community police, while established to thwart the Knights Templar, have created tension between the communities of Buenavista Tomatlan and the government. On March 8, the Mexican military detained approximately 34 members of the community police force that had been created in February in Buenavista Tomatlan.

The Buenavista Tomatlan arrests occurred after the community police took over the municipal police station March 4 and detained the municipal police chief, who the Mexican military later freed. Notably, the Mexican government claimed at least 30 of the detained community police belonged to the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion. If true, this suggests it has made territorial gains to the point of infiltrating the community police. However, there has been no confirmation on whether the accusations are true. Regardless, the community police force of Buenavista Tomatlan has placed its focus on stopping Knights Templar operations in the area, a focus that could only benefit the Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion's war with its rivals.

Narco-Corruption In Africa

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In the last decade, West Africa emerged as a major transit hub for Latin American Drug Trafficking Organizations (DTOs) transporting cocaine to Western Europe. Since that time, there has been cause for hope and despair. The UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and an array of international donors have made great strides in acknowledging the growing problem of drug trafficking and have implemented practical measures to stem this flow. All the while, the fears of many observers have been confirmed as the insidious effects of the drug trade have begun to take effect in many West African states. 

Consumption is on the rise and narco-corruption now undermines the rule of law and legitimate economic growth necessary for development and stability. One of the most alarming trends that place Africa and Africans on the radar of policy makers, law enforcement, and researchers alike is the number of fronts on which the illicit drug trade is growing. Its geographic expansion beyond the relatively confined region of West Africa is now endangering East and Southern Africa

The arrival of new drugs to the region--heroin and Amphetamine has been accompanied by the discovery of local manufacturing facilities to process them. Lastly, the growing level of
involvement by Africans--who initially served as facilitators but now appear to be taking a more proactive role--raises concerns that a new generation of African DTOs is rising in the ranks. 

Globalization, which is the integration of regional economies, societies, and cultures, is considered one of the most significant developments of the twentieth century. In addition to multitude of cultural, political, economic, and technological benefits it brings to many fortunate populations, globalization has also brought with it opportunities for the weak, poor, and oppressed to participate in traditionally closed markets. Yet, while globalization has been lauded for fostering free trade and economic prosperity, its so-called dark side has also created opportunities for criminals and non state actors to enrich and empower themselves by taking advantage of lucrative illicit markets, or by creating new ones. The forces of globalization and its causes and effects have been well documented and are largely accepted as having facilitated the expansion of licit as well as illicit markets to regions that otherwise would not have enjoyed significant economic activity. 

Africa is the exemplar, whose geographic proximity between the source zone and final markets for many illicit goods has contributed to its exploitation by DTOs. In the last decade, the emergence of West Africa as a major transit point for Latin American cocaine en route to 
Europe has taken the international community by surprise. Europe and the United States, in particular, are concerned for many reasons. 

From Europe's perspective, it is now experiencing increasing levels of cocaine entering its borders from West Africa, at least partly as a result of highly effective counternarcotics strategies that have concentrated law-enforcement resources on interdicting drugs on commercial air flights from the Caribbean to Europe (primarily the Netherlands Antilles to Amsterdam and Jamaica to London). This strategy has been so effective at disrupting major trafficking routes and deterring couriers that traffickers have been forced to identify new routes to enter Europe where law enforcement is less likely to detect their shipments. From its experience as both a transit zone and a final market for heroin, Europe is all too familiar with the public health and safety issues associated with addiction, crime, prostitution, and violence that typically accompany drug trade.

From the United States' perspective, it fears the existence of several anti-American terrorist groups operating in Africa coupled with drug revenues that could cultivate a crime-terrorist nexus, thus threatening its interests in yet another region. Furthermore, since the DTOs operating in West Africa are the same ones that traffic drugs into the United States, Americans view the proceeds of these Africa-based operations as bolstering the strength of those DTOs operating on its southern border with Mexico. All parties are concerned with the destabilizing impacts of the drug trade, including its potential to finance local insurgencies, expand into new illicit markets (such as arms), and its undermining effect on programs that improve governance, anti corruption, accountability, and raise public trust in government institutions. 
Today these concerns are more relevant than ever, with new drugs, higher quantities, and an ever-increasing number of transit states now characterizing Africa's drug trade. Despite regional and international counternarcotics programs designed to interdict drugs travelling the 
African route and build the capacity of local law enforcement institutions to detect trafficking activity and prosecute the offenders, the continent appears to be growing in importance to DTOs. Whereas Africa's involvement in the global drug trade before the mid-2000s was 
generally limited to West African heroin distribution networks, the last several years has witnessed an unrelenting expansion of the drug trade throughout the continent. Cocaine, synthetics, and increasing amounts of heroin are now transiting Africa where some portion of it 
stays to satisfy the local market, while the remainder is moved to final destinations in Europe and North America. 

Regrettably, the growth of transnational organized crime in Africa is not limited to the drug trade. Trafficking in humans, cigarettes, arms, natural resources (most notably diamond, timber, and minerals), oil, hazardous waste, and most recently, the manufacture and sale of fake pharmaceuticals, are all illicit trades that continue to thrive in Africa. 

Rate of Use of illegal Drugs in Africa is On the Rise

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The United Nations says the rate of consumption of illegal drugs in Africa is on the rise. Africa in terms of hard drugs has never been a continent for consumption, however that situation is rapidly changing and to make matters worse the region lacks drug-treatment centres. The UN agency said as much as 400 kilograms (880 pounds) of heroin have been consumed in West Africa in 2011 so far.

There are an estimated 1.5 million of coke users in West Africa, Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation, has topped the list of countries with the highest trafficking and use of drugs in 
West Africa. According to UN statistics 37,000 people in Africa die annually from diseases associated with the consumption of illegal drugs. The UN estimates there are 28 million drug users in Africa, the figure for the United States and Canada is 32 million.

The UN says drug trade has increased in Guinea-Bissau since the April 2012 coup, Africa's rising illegal drug consumption can be attributed to political instability as well as porous borders.

More African youths are becoming addicted to hard drugs, while West Africa gradually transforms from a drug transportation region, to a drug consuming region and finally a drug producing one. According to the Washington Post, the transit route fulfills a cocaine market in Europe that has grown four fold in the past few years and reaches an amount almost equal to  the United States. In 2009, the figure was at $800 million and so it is obvious that illegal drug use is growing rapidly in both West and Central Africa. There are now an estimated 2.5 million 
drug users in this area.

The majority of drug consumers in Abuja for example are young men and women who are mostly from well-to-do families. West Africa is not only a trans-shipment zone, local production and consumption is also on the rise – especially among its burgeoning youth population. Over 70% of the sub-region’s estimated 300 million people are under the age of 35. The vast 
majority have limited education and are unemployed or working in the informal sector. Lack of employment opportunities or reliable income put youth in precarious positions where they may be vulnerable to involvement in the drug-trade and drug use itself. In desperate and troubling circumstances, drugs offer a means of escaping the harsh realities of everyday life.

At the regional and national levels, the dual failure to build alliances with civil society and non-governmental and community-based organizations, as well as the failure to educate the populace have been major missing elements in the fight against narcotics trafficking and use.  

Civil society, including NGOs and community-based organizations, has an important role in raising awareness and educating citizens. Only token efforts have been made to provide information about the health, socio-economic, and security problems associated with drug trafficking and consumption. In many countries, citizens unaware of the harmful impact of drugs continue to idolize the drugs lords and dream of amassing their vast wealth, cruising around in bling cars like‘Hummers.

A growing amount of the drugs coming from Colombia, Venezuela and Brazil into West Africa are being consumed locally.  This is new, though not surprising:  low prices and high 
supply of cocaine, particularly around the main entry points in Guinea-Bissau and Guinea-Conakry cause havoc among a youth, already so distraught by so many problems.  Let’s not forget that mafias’ foot soldiers and petty traffickers are being paid in kind with the dope then retailed domestically.   Namely, drug addiction is coming to Africa.

There are also unconfirmed reports of drug use (as well as trafficking) affecting the military. This threatens more than the security sector reform.  It creates armies of addicts:  as developments in Conakry have shown, soldiers’ behaviour can get easily out of control.  By the way, the disastrous consequences of addiction among the military have been experienced and addressed in other parts of the world – including in rich countries.  The difference is that in Guinea-Bissau there are no drug treatment facilities. 

Since 2010 in numerous West African countries large amounts of chemicals used in drug processing  were found to convert pasta basica into high grade cocaine, and chemical precursors to manufacture ecstasy (worth over $125 m).  Namely, drug production is coming to Africa.

The Pura Calma Project
Some contributors and readers of African Narco News are interested in establishing a Holistic Drug Rehab centre based in Dakar or Accra in West Africa.
Rehab Africa

Traditional drug and alcohol treatments (as much as 97%) utilize various methods -- a 12-step / faith-based philosophy, or the addiction-as-disease philosophy, that puts your sobriety in the hands of others -- God, the medical profession, groups of other addicts -- and all clinging to the belief that an addict cannot ever fully recover. Where traditional faith-based, 12-step programs have miserable long-term success statistics -- around 5% -- so-called alternative programs can be at least 50% successful and often much higher. By way of comparison to “alternative” programs, traditional 12-step programs such as Alcoholics Anonymous were ranked 38th among the 48 treatment methods reviewed. Such success can only be due to pure, repeatable and predictable workability -- the very definition of scientific.


What is a Holistic Drug Rehab?
An holistic drug rehab is a facility that offers a drug addiction treatments that addresses the four major effects of drug abuse and drug addiction: physical, emotional, spiritual, and mental. Holistic drug rehab programs, on the other hand, go much deeper than this, offering an extensive, multi-faceted drug addiction treatment that treats the root of the problem rather than just the symptoms.
Rehab Africa

Pura Calma Rehab 

The most successful alternative drug rehab programs are based primarily on what can be called a “social education model” of rehabilitation that assist individuals to regain control of their lives, without the need for drugs.

The holistic programme would include:

Self-control training 
Social-skills training 
Community reinforcement 

Educational lectures and films
General counseling
Ibogaine Therapy
Psychotherapy and other milieu therapies
Yoga, Tai Chi, Guided Meditation
Acupuncture

Gender Specific Groups
Mind - Body - Spirit Program

Stress Management
Massage
Music Therapy
Nutrition and diet
Personal Training and Exercise
Use of indigenous plants and Herbs
Holistic natural detox
Outpatient Treatment
Continuing Care / Aftercare
Rehab Africa
We are appealing to our readers to make a real difference by contributing their knowledge and experience to the project: We are especially looking for health professionals, nurses, arts therapists, drug counsellors, dietitians, doctors, dramatherapist, healthcare assistants, music therapists,psychotherapists,psychologists, rehab owners or operators, philanthropists, ex addicts, alternative therapy professionals, bankers and any other interested parties.
Pura Calma Rehab Project West Africa wildharvestpharma@gmail.com

Traditional African Herbal Plant May Cure Drug Addictions

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We all know that drugs are causing an untold cost to society and to personal lives, in ruined lives, family breakdowns, escalating crime, bursting prisons and human misery - the opposite of what we should be growing towards.

However, what most of us haven't been told is that there exists a drug which has successfully helped people to give up many kinds of addictions, including heroin and cocaine, within 48 hours and with minimal withdrawal symptoms. Ibogaine has about a seventy percent success rate in alleviating substance abuse of all kinds, even cross-addictions, from nicotine, to heroin, to alcohol, to cocaine and meth. 

Ibogaine is an alkaloid derived from the root of the African plant tabernanthe iboga.
Ibogaine-containing preparations are used in medicinal and ritual purposes within African spiritual traditions of the Bwiti, who claim to have learned it from the Pygmy peoples. 

Ibogaine Treatment 
Ibogaine's principle use is its facilitation of a painless detox period for drug addicts.  The drug has also been recognized for its removal of the effects of conditioning in addicts and its promotion of long-term drug abstinence. While ibogaine may represent a major medical breakthrough, there is an inherent level of risk with ibogaine treatment. Ingesting too much of the substance, being excessively thin, or suffering from liver or heart problems are dangers associated with this type of treatment.  Subjects have reported experiencing muscle tremors, spasms, and feelings of internal energy shifts.

Any treatment provided by an experienced and knowledgeable ibogaine therapist will include a medical and psychiatric review for the patient's safety.

Prerequisites
Generally good health
No past psychotic breaks
No heart problems
No serious liver problems

How long is treatment session?
The effect of ibogaine last between 15 and 36 hours, depending on the dose and the individual metabolism. A longtime addict should allow her-/himself a convalescent period of one to three days after the 2 days dedicated to ibogaine. Methadone users should allow themselves at least a week.

Does it hurt?
Depending on the duration of the addiction and the substance of abuse there can be some withdrawal signs, ranging from 0 to 15% 
of what the person would have to suffer without medication. These pains can be well managed with adequate analgesics.

Former addicts may experience some insomnia after the treatment for up to 3 weeks, which is responsive to sleeping medication.

Medication
We do not use an extract, root-bark or other mixtures of substances, but ibogaine-hydrochloride of the best quality. During the treatment it might be necessary or helpful to resort to other medications, chiropractic or acupuncture. To restore the patient to good health the use of nutritional supplements employed after the treatment.

Number of Treatments
Most often once is enough. However a certain percentage of persons greatly benefit from a second session.

Craving
Ibgoaine breaks down in the liver into a substance called Nor-ibogaine. Nor-ibogaine continues to be active on the opiate receptors for several weeks to several months after a single dose. Clinical research has shown that Nor-ibogaine reduces drug cravings, creating a window of time to learn the skills necessary to remain clean from drugs.

Africa # 2 Global In Trafficking and Consumption of Drugs

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Africa now occupies second position worldwide in the trafficking and consumption of illegal drugs.According to UN statistics 37,000 people in Africa die annually from diseases associated with the consumption of illegal drugs. The UN estimates there are 28 million drug users in Africa, the figure for the United States and Canada is 32 million.

The rise in drug trafficking, including an increase in local drug production and consumption, is fast becoming a major challenge in the pursuit of peace, stability and security.West Africa is completely weak in terms of border control and the big drug cartels from Colombia and Latin America have chosen Africa as a way to reach Europe.Efforts against drug trafficking have so 
far fallen flat. If they want to tackle drugs, governments will have to engage civil society organisations and mobilise public opinion.

West Africa has a long history of involvement in the international drug trade. Despite the drug trade in West Africa only gaining the interest of the media in 2007, the region has been a strategic transit point for drug trafficking since 1952.
West Africa is the primary transit point for cocaine and other drugs trafficked from South America to Europe and North America. It is also a producer and exporter of cannabis products and amphetamines.The globalisation of the illicit economy is not a new phenomenon of the twenty-first century. It is gaining normalcy not only in the domestic economy within states, but in the global economy as well.  With reference to the recent global financial crisis and the warning of another possible down-turn in the developed economies, it presents an opportunity for those dependent on the formal economy to engage in illicit economic endeavours to cover their losses during financial down-turn. The drugs trade is one of the areas within the illicit economy that is highly lucrative and difficult to monitor. Its transcontinental reach and impact is not only understated, but its role in the domestic economies of supplier states and transitory states does not gain the attention it warrants. 

Since 2009, the rate of drug seizures has fallen due to increased media attention on drug trafficking and the coordinated action between West African Governments and the relevant international organisations such as the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC).However a drop in the seizure of drugs and narcotics does not mean that the trade of drugs has declined, it only means that the cartels and smugglers have become more sophisticated in their methods and means of transport. It is reported that there has been a repositioning of trade routes and submarines, a Boeing 727, ships and smaller planes are among some of the transportation methods used by South American cartels in the trafficking of drugs to West Africa and further abroad. This is testimony to the boldness, resilience and sophistication of these cartels in avoiding detection.
Narco Technology
A recent realisation is that local players and criminal networks are taking control of an ever more sophisticated system to smuggle cocaine into the rich market of the North, an indication of how the drug trade has established itself within the local population, especially the criminal network within the region.  A newer tendency has emerged  that the Al Qaeda's North African Wing has established itself as a player in the trans-Sahara trade. According to the UNODC, the terrorists are facilitating the passage of the traffickers and receive a payment either in cash or kind. For any terrorist network Introducing and facilitating drugs into a community or country is Narco Subversion strategy causing social impactsanddamagewithlongtermeffects. Subversion are actions designed to undermine the military, economic, psychological, or political strength or morale of a governing authority. However, there is no proof that the terrorist groups are organising the drug trafficking themselves.

Since 2009, the drug trade has declined when measuring the number of seizures made, but the lucrative nature of the trade and the sophistication of transport and communication systems have only enabled the criminal agents involved in drug trafficking to remain a step ahead of the anti-crime organisations and regional efforts to curb this trade.

One cannot ascertain the real impact that drug trafficking has on the West African region and it would certainly be erroneous to generalise the circumstances or extent of drug trafficking in one West African country with another. Nevertheless, drug trafficking extends into every sphere of the society in which it is prevalent. Should one focus on the impact that it has on the social, economic and political aspects of the state and society, it is possible to draw some common understanding regarding this issue.

Social Impact: disintegration of society and human capital
Similar to the impact narcotics consumption has on consumer economies, West African countries are beginning to experience the damaging effect that narcotics trading and consumption has on its domestic economy. West Africa has only recently experienced an increase in the domestic consumption of narcotics among its populations. “[According to the United Nations], of the 35 tonnes of cocaine estimated to have reached West Africa in 2009, only 21 tonnes continued on to Europe, meaning the remainder was probably sold and consumed locally in Africa.”  The Inter-Governmental Action Group against money-laundering in West Africa (also known as GIABA), states that the transiting of drugs through a country means that some of it remains within the country and is either distributed as payment for services rendered or as a source of profit for local traffickers.

Narcotics trading and the abuse thereof ultimately leads to the disintegration and disruption of family and society relations and a country dependent on narco-trafficking causes the unravelling of its own population and the attached value system required for its survival and cohesion. When the population of a state is weakened or compromised by drug abuse, it has the potential of rendering the population insecure as “dependency, distress, poverty and crime sets in.” This insecurity is worsened by the impact drug trafficking and drug abuse has on the education of a population.
The belief in the benefit of education is undermined by the ‘get-rich-quick-mentality’ that establishes itself among the youth. The lucrative prospects, power and high profit rates attached to drug trafficking becomes attractive to marginalised young males. However, it also produces unskilled, unemployed and unproductive citizens who are at risk of abusing the substance themselves, thereby amplifying the drug culture within the region.  Consequently, the West African economy is burdened with a declining and weakened labour force and a civil society divided and rendered powerless.

Community Impact: American crack cocaine epidemic 
During the American crack epidemic between 1984 and 1990. crack cocaine first began to be used on a large scale in Los Angeles in 1984. The distribution and use of the drug exploded that same year and by the end of 1986, was available in 28 states and the District of Columbia.

In 1985, cocaine-related hospital emergencies rose by 12 percent, from 23,500 to 26,300. In 1986, then increased 210 percent, from 26,300 to 55,200. Between 1984 and 1987, cocaine incidents increased to 94,000. In addition, late 1984 saw an increase in fetal death rates and low birth-weight babies to mothers who were using crack cocaine in Los Angeles. The first "crack babies" were born in late 1984.The trend continued to increase throughout the 1980s and spread to most major American cities. Some scholars have cited the crack "epidemic" as an example of a moral panic, noting that the explosion in use and trafficking of the drug actually occurred after the media coverage of the drug as an "epidemic. 

The crack epidemic is correlated with a sharp increase in crime on an unprecedented scale, especially violent crime. Between 1984 and 1994, the homicide rate for black males aged 14 to 17 more than doubled, and the homicide rate for black males aged 18 to 24 increased nearly as much. During this period, the black community also experienced an increase in fetal death rates, low birth-weight babies, weapons arrests, and the number of children in foster care.
Evidently, crack cocaine use and distribution became popular in cities that were in social and economic chaos such as Los Angeles and Atlanta. 'As a result of the low-skill levels and minimal initial resource outlay required to sell crack, systemic violence flourished as a growing army of young, enthusiastic inner-city crack sellers attempt to defend their economic investment.  Once the drug became embedded in the particular communities, the economic environment that was best suited for its survival caused further social disintegration within that city. An environment that was based on violence and deceit as an avenue for the crack dealers to protect their economic interests.


Economic Impact: establishing the narco-economy
The lucrative business of drug trafficking creates the illusion that it is a short-term route to economic prosperity. According to GIABA, narco-economies necessitate the building of better and efficient infrastructure and communication technologies to facilitate streamlined and cost-effective trafficking.  The supplementary construction boom provides the necessary jobs and accommodation, while the payment received from these opportunities increase the injection of monies into the domestic economy. The economy therefore looks healthier, but the reality is that only a few individuals who control the cash benefit from this economic boom.  It should be stressed that the economic boom does not last long and does not necessarily trickle down to the poorer masses. It only worsens the economic credibility of the region and renders the economy and the prosperity of the population dependent on drug trafficking. Aside from this, wealthy drug traffickers prefer to export their cash to safer financial and economic climates, while some choose to decrease their spending in the local economy to avoid detection.  Drug trafficking and the money-laundering that comes with illicit trading places the banking system under considerable pressure to accept dirty money. Although it builds the banking system’s net worth, it subsequently puts it at risk of prosecution or the risk of sudden and large cash withdrawals.

Increased violence and crime that persists in these countries and the decline of a productive and reliable work force undermines the region’s business and tourism sectors. This discourages investment within the region, leading to a further dependency on drug trafficking and declining prospects of escaping that dependency. “The economic weight of this flow could create a ‘Dutch disease’ effect, in which other forms of commercial activity become less attractive than drug trafficking” and this inevitably has a negative effect on state revenue, rendering the Government unable to provide public goods and services facilitative of domestic development and economic growth.

Political Impact: emergence of the narco-state
With weakening economic credibility and transnational criminal networks operating within borders, it becomes difficult for West African Governments to build and sustain the capacity and political will necessary to prevent these criminal agents from taking over state institutions and the domestic economy. Often, the net worth of individuals or criminal networks who engage in these activities is higher than the country’s national income. This provides the opportunity for these criminal networks and drug lords to infiltrate the Government and usurp control of state institutions to aid their activities or avoid prosecution. These cartels work with local criminal gangs and corrupt officials where some consignments are handled by corrupt armies, customs and police forces. Antonio Maria Costa, Executive Director of the UNODC, is quoted as saying that “…drug cartels buy more than real estate, banks and businesses; they buy elections, candidates and parties. In a word they buy power.”  The drug trade in effect corrupts the Government as well as state institutions, capturing weak states in exchange for protection and money. The state and the Government become compliant to the drugs trade and its allegiance to the drug lords renders it negligent to the rights of the population. 

The narcotics trafficking network even extends its impact into the legal system of West African countries. It becomes overburdened with court cases related to drugs “backlogs increase; prisons fill up, resources offering help and rehabilitation are insufficient and the whole attitude of fear in society seeks retribution and punishment instead of rehabilitation and reintegration”.Costa further emphasises that prosecutors and judges lack the evidence or the will to bring to justice powerful criminals with powerful friends.

ECOWAS response to drug trafficking
"Before 2001, the drug law enforcement departments in West Africa did not have appreciable collaboration with one another...one Agency would find it difficult to release information because of the uncertainty of the preservation of confidentiality of the information in the destination country.”  This situation led to the founding of the West African Joint Operations initiative, a collaborative between Nigeria's National Drug Law Enforcement Agency and the United States Drug Enforcement Administration Regional Office in Lagos, whose focus was to contain the illicit drug trafficking problem across the region, which still remains weak.



Pura Calma Rehab Africa Project

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Get Involved, Make A Difference
West Africa has only recently experienced an increase in the domestic consumption of narcotics among its populations. However according to UN statistics 37,000 people in Africa die annually from diseases associated with the consumption of illegal drugs. The UN estimates there are 28 million drug users in Africa, the figure for the United States and Canada is 32 million.

According to estimates forwarded by the United Nations, of the 35 tonnes of cocaine estimated to have reached West Africa in 2009, only 21 tonnes continued on to Europe, meaning the remainder was probably sold and consumed locally in Africa. There are an estimated 1.5 million of coke users in West Africa. The UN agency said as much as 400 kilograms (880 pounds) of heroin have been consumed in West Africa in 2011 so far. More African youths are becoming addicted to hard drugs, while West Africa gradually transforms from a drug transportation region, to a drug consuming region to a drug producing one. 

Limited Rehab Centres In Africa
There are less than five drug rehabilitation centres in the whole of West Africa. Guinea-Bissau’s only drug-addiction clinic, Quinhámel mental-health centre. The centre is trying to cope with an explosion of crack addiction with no funds, no drugs and no trained staff. Thousands of people in Bissau's slums like Reno have become crack addicts. Prostitution has increased substantially consequently driving a new HIV/AIDS epidemic. 

When the population of a state is weakened or compromised by drug abuse, it has the potential of rendering the population insecure as “dependency, distress, poverty and crime sets in. If this trend continues unabated it ultimately leads to the disintegration and disruption of family and society relations and a country dependent on narco-trafficking causes the unravelling of its own population and the attached value system required for its survival and cohesion.

Sierra Leone One Psychiatrist For Six Million People
The only certified psychiatrist in Sierra Leone, Dr Nahim estimated that 80 percent of the patients he sees are suffering from "drug-induced psychotic disorders". 

As Dr Nahim's explains "In a poor country like Sierra Leone, medicines used to treat addiction, such as methadone, are expensive, he therefore employs the "cold turkey method", despite it often entailing painful withdrawal symptoms. "We restrain you physically," he said. "Then we give you very strong tranquillising drugs that will keep you asleep during that period, maybe for one or two days." This is drug rehab in West Africa.

The City of Rest Rehabilitation Centre at Fort Street in Freetown offers residential care for 40 people struggling with addiction problems and or mental illness. The centre seeks to bring spiritual, physical, and psychosocial/mental healing and restoration to lives that have been severely affected by substance abuse and or mental illness.  The City of rest which is the only rehabilitation centre for people with substance abuse disorders in Sierra Leone is partly supported by local charges and individuals.  People trying to beat addiction to drugs, are forced to go on a long waiting list to get a place in the City of Rest. West Africa is now the epicentre of an expanding cocaine trade, confronting an entirely new problem that threatens disaster for its fragile health, law enforcement and justice systems - a growing legion of home-grown addicts.

Warning Signals 
Intermediaries along West African smuggling routes are often paid in product. To turn expensive high-grade cocaine into a profit-making drug in one of the world's poorest regions, cartels are transforming the white powder into crack cocaine. In some cities, a dose of rock sells for as little as $0.20.

"The warning signals are there that this really is a problem that could run amok in years ahead if comparable resources aren't devoted to the human consumption side," said Alan Doss, a senior adviser at the Geneva-based Kofi Annan Foundation.

We only have to examine the experience of the American crack epidemic of 1984 to 1990 to get an idea of what the future may hold for West Africa. In 1985, cocaine-related hospital emergencies rose by 12 percent, from 23,500 to 26,300. By 1986 it had rocketed up 210 percent, from 26,300 to 55,200. Between 1984 and 1987, cocaine incidents increased to 94,000. In addition, late 1984 also saw an increase in fetal death rates and low birth-weight babies to mothers who were using crack cocaine. The crack epidemic is correlated with a sharp increase in crime on an unprecedented scale, especially violent crime. 

Between 1984 and 1994, the homicide rate for black males aged 14 to 17 more than doubled, and the homicide rate for black males aged 18 to 24 increased nearly as much. During this period, the black community also experienced an increase in fetal death rates, low birth-weight babies, weapons arrests, and the number of children in foster care.

Some contributors and readers of African Narco News are interested in establishing a Holistic Drug Rehab centre based in Dakar or Accra in West Africa.

Drug users constitute a large and growing proportion of the prison population. Drug users not only commit a substantial amount of crime, but as the frequency of drug use increases, the frequency of crime increases and the severity of crimes committed also increases.

The American Correctional Association notes that more than 95 percent of drug and alcohol offenders in the us will be discharged from prison, most without receiving any treatment. Because of the high association between drug abuse and recidivism, it is in the public interest to place offenders in the kinds of treatment programs that have been found effective. A noticeable reduction in drug use and criminality can occur with an alliance between the criminal justice system and drug abuse treatment.

Public expenditures for drug abuse treatment are wise and prudent investments.Research has shown that funds invested in drug treatment reduces future criminal justice costs for treated offenders. For every dollar spent for drug treatment, $11.54 is saved in social costs, 
including law enforcement costs, losses to victims, and government funds for health care.

We are looking to reach out to all health professionals, rehab professionals and anybody that would be willing to devote a little time and energy to help get The Pura Calma Africa Rehab Project rolling in the right direction.

Our goal is to establish a holistic rehab centre using 100% natural remedies and focusing on resources which are indigenous to Africa.
Pura Calma Africa Rehab
Our facility will offer a drug addiction treatment will include a Holistic approach to drug rehab programs, to go deeper offering an extensive, multi-faceted drug addiction treatment that treats the root of the problem rather than just the symptoms.

Our vision is to introduce to West Africa an effective programme which could then be duplicated all over the continent.
It would include:
he holistic programme would include:
Self-control training 
Social-skills training 
Community reinforcement 
Educational lectures and films
General counseling
Ibogaine Therapy
Psychotherapy and other milieu therapies
Yoga, Tai Chi, Guided Meditation
Acupuncture
Gender Specific Groups
Mind - Body - Spirit Program
Stress Management
Massage
Music Therapy
Nutrition and diet
Personal Training and Exercise 
Use of indigenous plants and Herbs
Holistic natural detox
Outpatient Treatment
Continuing Care / Aftercare

Contribute a word, an idea, your time or experience and help us make Pura Calma Africa Rehab a success for Africa.

Share with us wildharvestpharma@gmail.com

Brits’ drug use is fueling organised crime in West Africa

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There’s a disparity between the way we choose what we buy in stores, and what we buy on the streets. As a result, one of the world’s most deprived areas is being plunged further into violence crime and addiction.

Despite the world’s gaze being fixed on West Africa due to the Malian conflict,  the destruction of that part of the world by the increased flow of narcotics through the area is still not widely known. It’s not hard to understand why an area of ungovernable desert and underfunded governments is a fine breeding ground for cartels to operate. Couple that with the endemic poverty of countries such as Mali and Burkina Faso (where around half of the population live on less than $1.25 per day) and the supply of drug runners who will work for little remuneration is endless.

In the last ten years trafficking in the area has boomed. 13% of the world’s cocaine, with a street value of $15-$20 billion, now travels through the region -  roughly the same as the entire GDP of Mali or Guinea and twice that of Mauritania, some of the worst affected areas. Naturally, new gangs have formed from Guinea-Bisseau and Guinea right through to the north of the continent; to protect supply lines to the lucrative European market. As with all gangs, tales of organised brutality in the region – one all to familiar with violence – are beginning to surface. As with all drugs gangs, they target the vulnerable young. According to UN statistics 37,000 people in Africa die annually from diseases associated with the consumption of illegal drugs. The UN estimates there are 28 million drug users in Africa, the figure for the United States and Canada is 32 million.
Yet increasingly, Brits are providing the demand for this trade. The most recent British Crime Survey revealed that cocaine use had more  than trebled among consumers. Up from 1.3% to 4.2% of the 16-24 demographic group were users during the period 2011/12. However, among  consumers there is little responsibility for the effects of their consumption.

The majority of consumers fall into two broad categories. Firstly, there are the apathetic and uninformed who either care little or know nothing of the harms of the trade. Secondly, and increasing in size, there are those who avert the blame; choosing instead to point to the criminal status of cocaine and shirking responsibility to policy makers. They miss the point. Even if it were decriminalised in Britain, it would still be illegal in the more socially conservative African west. It would still cause just as much harm.

The current problems only tell half the story. The reason the focus of this piece is West Africa and not Latin America is poverty. The impoverished nature of West Africa means that governments have few resources to fight what are increasingly well-armed and well-funded drugs gangs. Much of South and Central America is mired in conflict arising from the cocaine trade.

However, the relatively wealthier nature of the states means that living standards are not as adversely affected despite the all too frequent incidences of brutality. Guinea and Guinea-Bissau which are the main port countries for cocaine arriving from South America are among the world’s poorest countries. Money being spent combating drugs gangs is money desperately needed for infrastructural and education spending.

The situation in Mali is dire. Fuelled by demand from Europe, cocaine trafficking is rampant in the Saharan state. Its ungovernable desert borders to the north make for safe routes for cartels to access North Africa and beyond. Its southern-based central government lacks the capability to mount any sort of response to the vast organised criminal gangs. Factor into this already bleak picture the current conflict that is creating uncertainty and harming investment opportunities, and living standards are plummeting.
The notion that we ought not to buy things produced or transported by dubious means has been around for centuries. From the boycotts of sugar picked by slaves in the late eighteenth century, to more modern practices such as the refusal to buy products made in sweatshops, or those that have been tested on animals. People have often been the standard bearers for conscientious consumption. There is however one outlier. Worryingly, many who wouldn't dream of lining their coats with fur all to keenly line their nostrils with cocaine, one of the most damaging industries. One that is destabilising a part of the world which can ill-afford it.


Get Involved, Make A Difference
Our Pura Calma Africa Rehab
Our facility will offer a drug addiction treatment will be a Holistic approach to drug rehab programmes, to go deeper offering an extensive, multi-faceted drug addiction treatment that treats the root of the problem rather than just the symptoms.
We are looking to reach out to all health professionals, rehab professionals and anybody that would be willing to devote a little time and energy to help The Pura Calma Africa Rehab Project become a reality.

Contribute a word, an idea, your time or experience and help us make Pura Calma Africa Rehab a success for Africa.

Share with us wildharvestpharma@gmail.com

Brazil And Cracolandias

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Brazilian health officials say an epidemic is taking hold — an outbreak of crack cocaine use nationwide, from the major cities on the coast to places deep in the Amazon.

It's an image at odds with the one Brazil wants to project as the country prepares to host soccer's World Cup in 2014 and the Summer Olympics two years later. But the problem has become too big to ignore.

The Luz district of central Sao Paulo was once grand, with its old train station and opulent buildings. Now, this neighborhood is known as Cracolandia — Crackland.

On a recent night, skeletal figures in tattered, dirty clothes emerge — mostly men, but some women. They're glassy eyed and jumpy, and looking for a quick fix, oblivious to the police helicopters overhead.


Brazil is dealing with what officials call a crack epidemic, affecting Brazilians of all ages and confounding government efforts to deal with it. Almost a year after a high-profile police effort to clean up Sao Paulo's cracolandia as part of a revitalization program for the historic center, the outposts remain, but in a number of shifting locations rather than one large one.

"I've seen no improvements and some things are getting worse," said William Damiao Quirino, who has been working as a doorman and security guard downtown for six years. "Trying to clean up this or that corner isn't working. The only thing I think can work is a concerted community effort, involving residents too, to try to get these people treatment."

Origins Of The Problem
Crack has been in Brazil since the 1990s, but its use exploded in the past six years, according to health and police officials. The reasons, they say, are proximity and porosity.

Brazil is a neighbor to the world's biggest cocaine-producing countries, and its borders are vast, remote and largely unguarded.

Eloisa Arruda, the secretary of justice for Sao Paulo state, says the market is alluring.

"Brazil offers a big market of cocaine and crack consumers," says Arruda. "And that's partly because people have more buying power."

She says the problem is similar to the crack crisis in the United States in the 1980s, when the drug engulfed cities and generated waves of violence.
"It's a big growth of people using crack in public," Arruda says. "People permanently in the street consuming drugs day and night."

The Brazilian approach has been to treat the problem as a health care crisis. 
President Dilma Rousseff responded with a $2 billion drug prevention and treatment program.

In Sao Paulo, addicts are urged to seek help at Psychosocial Attention Centers — 80 clinics where addicts can receive a bed for the night.

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